Bucknell Dance Choreographer's Showcase 2006

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Bucknell Dance Studio Fall Concert 2007

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Bucknell Dance Company Spring 1988 Performance

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Civil Society and Political Parties in the Period of Transition

The major aim of Mr. Marada's project was to investigate the role of political parties on the one hand, and various institutional forms of civil society on the other, in the process of establishing mechanisms of political decision-making and policy-formation in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic, after November 1989. Mr. Marada wanted to examine what consequences the interplay and tensions between political parties and institutions of civil society had on the status and practical understanding of citizenship and civil society. At the beginning of his research Mr. Marada found that, while the sphere of the political was relatively clearly defined, the phenomenon of civil society required a conceptual clarification. He devoted a great deal of time to analysing the emergence, development, and disintegration of Civic Forum as the major agent of the regime change and subsequent political reforms. Alongside this analysis is a commentary on Czech society in general, drawing on established research to show how, as yet, a kind of civic incompetence reigns within the country, and how this situation has its roots in the belief, promoted by politicians themselves, that politics is an activity for experts only. The final outcome of his research took the form of a series of articles, in English, totalling 40 pages.

How chemokines invite leukocytes to dance

A prominent activity of the chemokine system is the regulation of leukocyte trafficking. Here we summarize recent findings on the initial steps in chemokine receptor-induced signal transduction in leukocytes. In particular, we discuss the potential influences of the formation of oligomers of ligand and receptor and of coupling between chemokine signals and regulators of the cytoskeleton, such as small GTPases.

Pharmacokinetics and excretion of gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB) in healthy subjects

In Europe and the United States, the recreational use of gamma-hydroxy butyric acid (GHB) at dance clubs and "rave" parties has increased substantially. In addition, GHB is used to assist in the commission of sexual assaults. The aim of this controlled clinical study was to acquire pharmacokinetic profiles, detection times, and excretion rates in human subjects. Eight GHB-naïve volunteers were administered a single 25-mg/kg body weight oral dose of GHB, and plasma, urine, and oral fluid specimens were analyzed by using gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS). Liquid-liquid extraction was performed after acid conversion of GHB to gamma-butyrolactone. Limits of quantitation of 0.1 (oral fluid), 0.2 (urine), and 0.5 microg/mL (plasma) could be achieved in the selected ion monitoring mode. GHB plasma peaks of 39.4 +/- 25.2 microg/mL (mean +/- SEM) occurred 20-45 min after administration. The terminal plasma elimination half-life was 30.4 +/- 2.45 min, the distribution volume 52.7 +/- 15.0 L, and the total clearance 1228 +/- 233 microL/min. In oral fluid, GHB could be detected up to 360 min, with peak concentrations of 203 +/- 92.4 microg/mL in the 10-min samples. In urine, 200 +/- 71.8 and 230 +/- 86.3 microg/mL, were the highest GHB levels measured at 30 and 60 min, respectively. Only 1.2 +/- 0.2% of the dose was excreted, resulting in a detection window of 720 min. Common side-effects were confusion, sleepiness, and dizziness; euphoria and change of vital functions were not observed. GHB is extensively metabolized and rapidly eliminated in urine and oral fluid. Consequently, samples should be collected as soon as possible after ingestion.

Democracy Concepts of the Fundamentalist Parties of Algeria and Tunisia – Claim and Reality

This article discusses democratic elements in early Islamic sources and in the programs of the Algerian FIS (Front Islamique du Salut) and ANNAHDA in Tunesia. According to historic writings, Islam includes the principles of democratic consensus, consultation, and freedom of opinion, and an understanding that the sources of Islamic jurisdiction are subject to interpretation, that the sharia can be changed, and that religious authorities’ power to issue instructions on worldly matters is limited. These are the type of expectations that fundamentalist parties arouse when they speak of an Islamic caliphate as a state system. Against this background, an examination of the political system proposed until 1992 by the Algerian FIS shows that this system would have resulted in a very restrictive form of Islam. An investigation of the political system of the Tunisian fundamentalist leader Rached al-Ghannouchi reveals that the system he proposes may be designated as an Islamic democracy, since it takes into account separation of powers and pluralism of political parties. The head of state would be subject to the law in the same manner as the people. However, it is no liberal democracy, as he categorically rejects secularism, intends to punish apostates, and is only willing to allow political parties that are based on the religion of Islam. His state would only be a state of those citizens who follow Islam, completely neglecting secularist groups. Social conflicts and unrest are thus predetermined.