999 resultados para Violence physique sévère
Resumo:
Although relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother-child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls), M ages = 12.18 (SD = 1.82), 13.24 (SD = 1.83), 13.61 (SD = 1.99), and 14.66 (SD = 1.96) years, respectively, living in socially deprived neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a context of historical and ongoing political violence. In examining trajectories of adjustment problems, including youth experience with both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviors, sectarian antisocial behavior significantly predicted more adjustment problems across the 4 years of the study. Experiencing sectarian antisocial behavior was related to increased adolescent adjustment problems, and this relationship was accentuated in neighborhoods characterized by higher crime rates. The discussion considers the implications for further validating the distinction between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, including consideration of neighborhood crime levels, from the child's perspective in a setting of political violence. Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013.
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This article explores the life and commemoration of Buck Alec Robinson. A feared loyalist killer in 1920s Belfast, in more recent times he has featured as a lion-keeping “character” on wall murals and in tourist guide books. Robinson is employed as a case study to investigate two separate but, in this case, interlinked historiographical debates. The first involves Norbert Elias’s analysis of the decline of violence. The second relates to discussion of the analysis of social memory in working class communities, with violence being placed therein. The article supports historical assessments suggesting that the “civilizing offensive” had an uneven impact. That point is usually made in the context of working class men. This article extends it to political elites in Belfast and probes their flirtations with violent hard men. The case is made that it is a mistake to assume the “civilizing” dynamic is to be understood as a teleological or top-down process.
Resumo:
Background: Health care professionals, including physicians, are at high risk of encountering workplace violence. At the same time physician turnover is an increasing problem that threatens the functioning of the health care sector worldwide. The present study examined the prospective associations of work-related physical violence and bullying with physicians’ turnover intentions and job satisfaction. In addition, we tested whether job control would modify these associations.
Methods: The present study was a 4-year longitudinal survey study, with data gathered in 2006 and 2010.The present sample included 1515 (61% women) Finnish physicians aged 25–63 years at baseline. Analyses of covariance (ANCOVA) were conducted while adjusting for gender, age, baseline levels, specialisation status, and employment sector.
Results: The results of covariance analyses showed that physical violence led to increased physician turnover intentions and that both bullying and physical violence led to reduced physician job satisfaction even after adjustments. We also found that opportunities for job control were able to alleviate the increase in turnover intentions resulting from bullying.
Conclusions: Our results suggest that workplace violence is an extensive problem in the health care sector and may lead to increased turnover and job dissatisfaction. Thus, health care organisations should approach this problem through different means, for example, by giving health care employees more opportunities to control their own work.
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Queer politics and spaces have historically been associated with ideals of sexual liberation. They are conceptualised as spaces where sex, and its intersections with intimacy, friendship and love can be explored outside of normative frameworks which value monogamous reproductive heterosexuality at the expense of other non-normative sexual expressions. In recent years, however, autonomous queer spaces such as the global Queeruption gatherings and other queer community spaces in Australia have become increasingly concerned with the presence and danger of sexual violence in queer communities. Almost without exception, this danger has been responded to through the creation of ‘safe(r) spaces’ policies, generally consisting of a set of guidelines and proscribed behaviours which individuals must agree to in order to participate in or attend the event or space. The guidelines themselves tend to privilege of sexual politics of affirmative verbal consent, insisting that such consent should be sought prior to any physical or sexual contact, inferring that a failure to do so is ethically unacceptable within. This chapter reflects on the attempts to construct queer communities as ‘safer spaces,’ arguing that the concepts of consent and safety are inadequate to develop a queer response to sexual violence. Such a response, it argues, must be based on the openness to possibilities and refusal of sexual restrictions and regulations that have always been central elements of queer theory and politics.
Resumo:
There are strong links between childhood trauma and the risk of violence (Ford et al., 2007). Despite evidence that people with psychotic disorders are at a higher risk of violence than the general population (Witt et al., 2013) there have been few studies that have examined the trauma-violence link in this population (Spidel et al., 2010). This study explored the association between a history of childhood trauma (abuse, neglect and conflict-related trauma) and the risk of violence in adults with psychotic disorders. The strongest associations with the risk of violence were found for sexual abuse (r = .32, p < .05) and the impact of community conflict (r = .32, p < .05). An accumulative effect of trauma was found using a hierarchical regression (adjusted R2 = .14, F(2,37) = 4.23, p < .05). There are implications for applying models of violence to psychosis, risk assessment and treatment of people with psychotic disorders as well as informing trauma models and protective factors for children in conflict-affected regions.
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Going beyond the association between youth exposure to political violence and psychopathology, the current article examines within-person change in youth strength of identity with their ethno-political group and youth reports of the insecurity in their communities. Conceptually related but growing out of different paradigms, both group identity and emotional insecurity have been examined as key variables impacting youth responses to threats from other group members. The goal of the current study is to review previous studies examining these two key variables and to contribute new analyses, modeling within-person change in both variables and examining covariation in their growth. The current article uses data from 823 Belfast adolescents over 4 years. The results suggest youth are changing linearly over age in both constructs and that there are ethno-political group differences in how youth are changing. The results also indicate that change in insecurity is related to strength of identity at age 18, and strength of identity and emotional insecurity are related at age 18. Implications and directions for future work in the area of youth and political violence are discussed. © 2014 American Psychological Association.
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Youth's risk for adjustment problems amid political violence is well documented, but outcomes vary widely, with many children functioning well. Accordingly, researchers are seeking to identify the mechanisms and conditions that contribute to children's adjustment, with an interest in understanding effects on children in terms of changes in the social contexts in which they live and the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. In this article, we look at the importance of studying many levels of the social ecology and of differentiating the effects of exposure to contexts of political versus nonpolitical violence, and we address theories about explanatory processes. We review research pertinent to these themes, including a six-wave longitudinal study on political violence and children in Northern Ireland.
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The issue of young people’s experiences of sexual exploitation and sexual violence has received increasing political and media attention within recent years. However, whilst many studies have identified this to be an emerging issue of concern, the collation of prevalence data on the extent of these issues is still very much in its infancy. In this article we report on the findings of a large-scale project on the sexual exploitation of young people, undertaken in Northern Ireland from 2009 to 2011. The article primarily explores young people’s self-reported experiences of sexual violence and exploitation, collated from their responses to a module of questions placed in the 2010 Young Life and Times Survey. The quantitative dataset from the survey covers both prevalence of sexually exploitative experiences and young people’s reports about the type of individuals perpetrating these incidents. This dataset is illustrated and contextualised with reference to the qualitative findings from interviews with young people and professionals conducted as part of the wider sexual exploitation study. The article concludes with a consideration of the implications of the findings, with particular reference to the need for further preventative work in this field.
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Although domestic violence is seen as a serious public health issue for women worldwide, international evidence suggests that women aged over 50 who are victims are suffering in silence because the problem is often ignored by health professionals. More UK research is needed to identify the extent of the problem, and services to meet the needs of older women. This study aims to bridge this gap by gaining a deeper understanding of how ‘older women’ cope with domestic violence and how it affects their wellbeing. Eighteen older women who were currently, or had been in an abusive relationship were recruited. Semi-structured interview schedules were used to discuss the personal nature of DV and its effects on wellbeing, ways of coping and sources of support. Findings suggest that living in a domestically violent context has extremely negative effects on older women’s wellbeing leading to severe anxiety and depression. Three-quarters of the women defined themselves as in ‘very poor’ mental and physical health and were using pathogenic coping mechanisms, such as excessive and long-term use of alcohol, prescription and non-prescription drugs and cigarettes. This negative coping increased the likelihood of these women experiencing addiction to drugs and alcohol dependence and endangered their health in the longer term. Our findings suggest that health professionals must receive appropriate education to gain knowledge and skills in order to deal effectively and support older women experiencing domestic violence.
Resumo:
Background: Domestic violence represents a serious public health issue for women and their children worldwide. International evidence suggests that women aged over 50 who are victims of domestic violence are suffering in silence because the problem is ignored by professionals and policy makers. More UK research is needed to identify the extent of the problem, and services to meet the needs of older women.
Study aims: To bridge this gap by seeking to gain a deeper, systematic understanding of how ‘older women’ cope with domestic violence and how it effects their wellbeing, using a theoretical framework of ‘salutogenesis’ to consider coping resources used in lifelong abuse.
Methods: The study recruited a convenience sample of eighteen older women who are currently, or had been in an abusive relationship. A semi-structured interview schedule was used to discuss the personal nature, of domestic violence in their lives, and the pattern of abuse over time and its effects on their wellbeing, ways of coping and sources of support, barriers to reporting and accessing support, and experiences in seeking help.
Results: Living in a domestically violent context has extremely negative effects on older women’s wellbeing. Living with a perpetrator of long-term violence is predisposing these women to extremely negative health outcomes such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, anxiety and depression. Three-quarters of the women defined themselves as in poor mental health and were using pathogenic coping mechanisms, such as excessive and long-term use of alcohol, prescription and non-prescription drugs and cigarettes. This negative coping increased the likelihood of these women experiencing addiction to drugs and alcohol dependence and endangering their health and wellbeing in the longer term. Conclusions Public health interventions can work well from a ‘salutogenic’ perspective by finding ways to promote healthy behaviours that increase older women’s sense of wellbeing and coping. The application of this theoretical framework offers the potential for new knowledge to contribute to the discourse about wellbeing in older women dealing with domestic violence.
Resumo:
The negative impact of political violence on adolescent adjustment is well established. Less is known about factors that affect adolescents' positive outcomes in ethnically divided societies, especially influences on prosocial behaviors toward the out-group, which may promote constructive relations. For example, understanding how inter-group experiences and attitudes motivate out-group helping may foster inter-group co-operation and help to consolidate peace. The current study investigated adolescents' overall and out-group prosocial behaviors across two time points in Belfast, Northern Ireland (N = 714 dyads; 49% male; Time 1: M = 14.7, SD = 2.0, years old). Controlling for Time 1 prosocial behaviors, age, and gender, multi-variate structural equation modeling showed that experience with inter-group sectarian threat predicted fewer out-group prosocial behaviors at Time 2 at the trend level. On the other hand, greater experience of intra-group non-sectarian threat at Time 1 predicted more overall and out-group prosocial behaviors at Time 2. Moreover, positive out-group attitudes strengthened the link between intra-group threat and out-group prosocial behaviors one year later. Finally, experience with intra-group non-sectarian threat and out-group prosocial behaviors at Time 1 was related to more positive out-group attitudes at Time 2. The implications for youth development and inter-group relations in post-accord societies are discussed.