Social Work in an Ethnically Diverse Europe: The Shifting Challenges of Difference

This article addresses the inherently politicised context of social work practice located within the contested logics and values of national social policy and professional values and identities. Noting the key role of social work in delivering the state’s promise of social citizenship, it is argued that the increasing neo-nationalist sentiments and politics in European states generate significant pressures upon the universalist, inclusive, values of social work in a multiethnic Europe. The academic and policy debate around social cohesion is explored to illustrate how an assimilationist drift in multicultural state policies undermines the capacity of social work services to deliver appropriate, ethnically sensitive, services. It is further argued that the pervasive spread of populist counter-narratives to multiculturalism erode support for anti-racist and transcultural social work practice. In this context it is argued that social work must acknowledge its compromised situation and explicitly develop a political agenda committed to guaranteeing substantive equality in service delivery.

Educational and Anthropological Perspectives: An Italian View on Migration in Multi-cultural Urban Spaces

In contemporary societies there are different ways to perceive the relation between identity and alterity and to describe the difference between “us” and “them”, residents and foreigners. Anthropologist Sandra Wallman sustains that in multi-cultural urban spaces the frontiers of diversity are not only burdensome markers of identity, but rather they could also represent new chances to define “identity” and “alterity”. These frontiers, in fact, can work like interfaces through which to build time after time, in a creative way, a relationship with the other. From this point of view, the concept of boundary can offer many opportunities to creatively define the relation with the other and to sign new options for cognitive and physical movement. On the other side, in many cases we have a plenty of mechanisms of exclusion that transforms a purely empirical distinction between “us” and “them” in an ontological contrast, as in the case when the immigrant undergoes hostilities through discriminatory language. Even though these forms of racism are undoubtedly objectionable from a theoretical point of view, they are anyway socially “real”, in the sense that they are perpetually reaffirmed and strengthened in public opinion. They are in fact implicit “truths”, realities that are considered objective, common opinions that are part of day-to-day existence. That is the reason why an anthropological prospective including the study of “common sense” should be adopted in our present day studies on migration, as pointed out by American anthropologist Michael Herzfeld. My primary goal is to analyze with such a critical approach same pre-conditions of racism and exclusion in contemporary multi-cultural urban spaces. On the other hand, this essay would also investigate positive strategies of comparing, interchanging, and negotiating alterity in social work. I suggest that this approach can offer positive solutions in coping with “diversity” and in working out policies for recognizing a common identity which, at the same time, do not throw away the relevance of political and economic power.

Transformations in French Anti-Semitism?

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a “new Judeophobia” that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of “Jews,” “Israelis,” and “Zionists.” One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the “altermondialistes,” the communists, and the “neo-Trotskyists.” The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? My evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly.

Iowa State Daily (February 28, 2012)

ContentsSlurs in the Daily reveal racism at ISUAlumni try HouseVP Biden to visit ISU and talk businessElection candidates ready to debatePolitical fashion on the campaignHigh school champion set for ISUHope keeps Syria ready for change

Iowa State Daily (January 19, 2012)

ContentsCensorship gone too far?State of racism: students dispute discriminationClubFest II explores students' interests Festival honors theater artistsReader returns as wrestling role model

Trans-Himalayan

This Trans-Himalayan tale unites two narratives, an historical account of scholarly thinking regarding linguistic phylogeny in eastern Eurasia alongside a reconstruction of the ethnolinguistic prehistory of eastern Eurasia based on linguistic and human population genetic phylogeography. The first story traces the tale of transformation in thought regarding language relationships in eastern Eurasia from Tibeto-Burman to Trans-Himalayan. The path is strewn with defunct family trees such as Indo-Chinese, Sino-Tibetan, Sino-Himalayan and Sino-Kiranti. In the heyday of racism in scholarship, Social Darwinism coloured both language typology and the phylogenetic models of language relationship in eastern Eurasia. Its influential role in the perpetuation of the Indo-Chinese model is generally left untold. The second narrative presents a conjectural reconstruction of the ethnolinguistic prehistory of eastern Eurasia based on possible correlations between genes and language communities. In so doing, biological ancestry and linguistic affinity are meticulously distinguished, a distinction which the language typologists of yore sought to blur, although the independence of language and race was stressed time and again by prominent historical linguists.

Attitudes, stress and use of force in selected areas of Texas law enforcement

This research aimed to explore the extent to which police use of force was related to attitudes towards violence, agency type, and racism. Previous studies have found a culture of honor in the psychology of violence in the Southern United States. Were similar attitudes measurable among Texas professional line officers? Are there predictors of use of force?^ A self reported anonymous survey was administered to Texas patrol officers in the cities of Austin and Houston, and the Counties of Harris and Travis. A total of seventy-four questionnaires were used in the statistical analyses. Scales were developed measuring use of force, attitudes towards violence, and feelings on racism. Their relationship was examined.^ A regression model shows a strong and significant relationship between the officers' attitudes towards violence and the self-reported use of force. Further, agency type, municipal versus sheriff, also predicts use of force. Attitudes regarding race or racism, as measured by this study, were not predictive of use of force. ^

About DNA databasing and investigative genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics: A public survey.

During the last decade, DNA profiling and the use of DNA databases have become two of the most employed instruments of police investigations. This very rapid establishment of forensic genetics is yet far from being complete. In the last few years novel types of analyses have been presented to describe phenotypically a possible perpetrator. We conducted the present study among German speaking Swiss residents for two main reasons: firstly, we aimed at getting an impression of the public awareness and acceptance of the Swiss DNA database and the perception of a hypothetical DNA database containing all Swiss residents. Secondly, we wanted to get a broader picture of how people that are not working in the field of forensic genetics think about legal permission to establish phenotypic descriptions of alleged criminals by genetic means. Even though a significant number of study participants did not even know about the existence of the Swiss DNA database, its acceptance appears to be very high. Generally our results suggest that the current forensic use of DNA profiling is considered highly trustworthy. However, the acceptance of a hypothetical universal database would be only as low as about 30% among the 284 respondents to our study, mostly because people are concerned about the security of their genetic data, their privacy or a possible risk of abuse of such a database. Concerning the genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics and biogeographical ancestry, we discover a high degree of acceptance. The acceptance decreases slightly when precise characteristics are presented to the participants in detail. About half of the respondents would be in favor of the moderate use of physical traits analyses only for serious crimes threatening life, health or sexual integrity. The possible risk of discrimination and reinforcement of racism, as discussed by scholars from anthropology, bioethics, law, philosophy and sociology, is mentioned less frequently by the study participants than we would have expected. A national DNA database and the widespread use of DNA analyses for police and justice have an impact on the entire society. Therefore the concerns of lay persons from the respective population should be heard and considered. The aims of this study were to draw a broader picture of the public opinion on DNA databasing and to contribute to the debate about the possible future use of genetics to reveal phenotypic characteristics. Our data might provide an additional perspective for experts involved in regulatory or legislative processes.

Estanislao Zeballos y la política exterior argentina con Brasil y Chile

Estanislao Zeballos creó un denso corpus teórico sobre las relaciones de la Argentina con sus vecinos, especialmente con Brasil y Chile. A lo largo del siglo XX, la élite intelectual rioplatense ha mantenido en vigencia el pensamiento de Zeballos, al cual se lo ha considerado una suerte de paradigma del patriota. El presente artículo examina críticamente el pensamiento de Zeballos. Detecta que, fuertemente marcadas por el positivismo y el darwinismo social, sus ideas se deslizaron hacia posiciones xenófobas y racistas, sobre todo hacia los dos países citados. Por tal motivo, el canciller generó conflictos de límites que antes no existían, y promovió conceptos históricamente inexactos sobre la naturaleza de las relaciones internacionales en el Cono Sur.

Cocolos, emigración y narrativa dominicana

El desarrollo de la industria azucarera en la República Dominicana requirió mano de obra para el corte de caña y el trabajo en el ingenio. La dificultad en atraer trabajadores locales resultó en la contratación de obreros de las islas inglesas Anguila, St. Kitts, Antigua, Nevis, Tórtola, etc., donde el masivo desempleo provocado por la industrialización facilitaba el traslado de los isleños hacia las zafras dominicanas. En San Pedro de Macorís, lugar de su asentamiento, se los llamaba despectivamente “cocolos". Esta ponencia intenta estudiar la historia y delineación de estos obreros inmigrantes, su conducta, su idiosincrasia y modo de vida en el ingenio desde la narrativa dominicana del siglo XX. Las obras seleccionadas son un espejo del racismo, del rechazo cultural y de la explotación de los cocolos en el cañaveral. Cabe destacar que las novelas recientes asumen tardíamente una actitud reivindicatoria ante la ausencia de estudios críticos al respecto.

El ensayo enfermo : Alcides Arguedas y la radiología

Me propongo estudiar en la ensayística de Alcides Arguedas (Bolivia) el lenguaje que utilizó la formación racial cientificista en Hispanoamérica en los comienzos del siglo XX, algunos años antes de los excesos nazifascistas, cuando fue desacreditado por la opinión pública. Mi precepto primero y desde el que comienzo todo mi estudio es la idea de que raza y discursividad son inseparables, por esto, analizaré la representación verbal que confirmará, por una parte, la artificiosidad de lo postulado como "verdad científica" y, por otra, la complicidad que en la forja de esa ilusión una y otra vez han tenido miembros de lo que Ángel Rama llamó "ciudad letrada". Arguedas, en particular, proyectó la imagen de un sujeto que es capaz de relacionar lo estético, lo político y lo científico, logrando en muchas oportunidades ser la personificación de la conciencia nacional.

Fiesta en Noviembre de Eduardo Mallea : la experimentación formal en función del relieve semántico de preocupaciones éticas

El análisis de la novela está precedido por una síntesis del pensamiento de Eduardo Mallea sobre la caída de los valores de la sociedad argentina. En esta introducción se incluye asimismo información que atañe al contexto referencial de la novela y que se vincula con las consecuencias de la crisis económica de 1929 en la Argentina. Una aproximación global al texto adelanta componentes referenciales de la diégesis que hacen presentes manejos económicos espurios, el brote de racismo antisemita que precedió a la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el asesinato de Federico García Lorca. La cuarta sección del estudio enfoca la superficie textual de la novela. Dos vertientes diegéticas dan lugar a segmentos que se alternan en la que fue, para su época, una innovadora estructuración textual. Las voces narradoras, los monólogos interiores, los procedimientos del lenguaje figurado, la relación adentro-afuera en el desarrollo de la acción completan el análisis. La quinta sección del trabajo aborda la diégesis y la estructura semántica profunda del texto.

An Evening with Tim Wise, an Anti-Racist Essayist, Author and Educator.

Wise, who began his career as Youth Coordinator and Associate Director of the Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism, now tours the country speaking to students on over 1,000 college and high school campuses. He also speaks to professional institutions on ways to remove racism from within their ranks. Wise's memoir White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son, is widely regarded for its depiction of how racism creates privilege for Whites, while negatively impacting persons of color. His five other works, including Dear White America: Letter to a New Minority, have also earned critical acclaimed. His seventh work Culture of Cruelty: How America's Elite Demonize the Poor, Valorize the Rich and Jeopardize the Future, is scheduled for release in early 2015.

50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

RELIGIÃO E IDENTIDADE: UM ESTUDO SOBRE NEGROS METODISTAS DA REGIÃO METROPOLITANA DE SÃO PAULO

Este estudo trata da dinâmica relacional das identidades religiosas e etno-raciais em torno de pessoas negras de igrejas metodistas da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo. Toma como referência empírica as Igrejas Metodistas em: Suzano, Itaquaquecetuba - Monte Belo - e Central em Santo André. Analisa as implicações identitárias do sujeito negro metodista e aponta contradições entre parâmetros socioculturais das identidades negras construídas ao longo da história e o modelo religioso metodista. Analisa a construção sociocultural das identidades religiosas, circunscritas às contingências materiais, econômicas e políticas da sociedade onde estão inseridos os sujeitos da pesquisa. Propõe que a identidade negra coletiva é uma mescla de associações, por um lado negativas resultantes tanto das condições socioeconômicas segregacionistas vinculadas ao racismo institucionalizado na sociedade e nos espaços religiosos, por outro, positivas, de um protagonismo cultural enriquecedor da cultura brasileira, além daquele marcado pela resistência, desenvolvido pelos movimentos negros. Demonstra o papel da instituição metodista que impõe uma padronização cultural de classe média branca e controle sobre as manifestações identitárias negras.(AU)