916 resultados para Neoliberal urbanism


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The main focus of the present investigation is on the transnationalization of the education policies in Cape Verde, Guine-Bissau and San Tome and Prince from 1974 to 2002 and it deals mostly with the role played by the Portuguese co operants in this field, namely teachers, teacher trainers and education technicians. Our investigation is based mostly on the theoretical and empiric analysis of the problematic of the transnatio nalizaton of the education policies, bearing in mind the concepts formulated by several renowned authors like those by Stone(2001, 2004) as well as by Dolowitz and Marsch (2002) concerning the area of knowledge transfer. The concept transnationalization we have used throughout this dissertationshould be interpreted as a carrefour , that is, a crossroad of technical knowledge, resulting from the way the different mediators have shared their expertise and who gradually contributed to the implementation of the new education systems and the consolidation of the education policies of the countries just mentioned before. We have also analyzed specific points of reference connected both with globalization and organization sociology theories since the school is the main scope of action where the participants interact using diversified strategies due to their different interests and aims. Those schools are more and more confronted with education policies resulting from neoliberal assumptions therefore we label them terminals of the education policy journeys. The naturalist paradigm, which includes a qualitative and interpretative approach, answers for the design of this investigation, whose main strategy is the Oral History. The primary sources analyzed and the interviews made have enabled us to build our knowledge based on the grounded theory method (Glasser and Strauss, 1967), supported by the informatic programme Atlas TI. We conclude that despite the weaknesses and fragilities of the Portuguese cooperation, this is the right arena for a more convergent transference of values and education (al) systems; it is a kind of hybrid territory where the knowledge transfer suits the local reality, independently of all the dilemmas resulting from globalization.

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El treball d'Andrej Holm, sociòleg urbà alemany, està centrat en els processos de reestructuració urbana esdevinguts a les ciutats alemanyes, particularment als barris cèntrics de Berlín. La seva postura crítica davant la imposició d'un règim urbà neoliberal a partir de la caiguda del Mur està en consonància amb el seu paper actiu dins els moviments socials. En aquesta entrevista, Andrej Holm explica les conseqüències derivades d'aquesta militància: després d'uns mesos en què va estar sotmès a vigilància secreta, l'estiu de 2007 va ser detingut, acusat de pertànyer a un grup terrorista. Els conceptes recurrents als seus textos acadèmics, com ara el de "gentrificació", així com el seu accés a recursos bibliogràfics, van ser utilitzats com a arguments contra ell. A partir d'aquests fets, esdevinguts en un moment en què els Estats fan servir la política antiterrorista com a forma de control de les dissidències i en què l'autonomia acadèmica és objecte de restriccions, Andrej Holm reflexiona sobre la possibilitat d'unes ciències socials crítiques.

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A política educacional recente, de caráter neoliberal, está cobrando a participação dos pais na gestão da escola pública e no dever de casa, tanto nos Estados Unidos quanto no Brasil. Tal política tem implicações de classe e gênero: quando a escola conta com a família, pressupõe um modelo de família com capital econômico e simbólico e com uma mãe disponível e prioritariamente dedicada à educação dos filhos. Os formuladores dessas políticas não consideram a relação entre modelos de organização curricular e instrucional e organização familiar, nem a assimetria de gênero que faz recair a responsabilidade pela educação infantil sobre as mulheres, tampouco as mudanças e variações na organização familiar. Ao desviar o foco da melhoria educacional da escola e da sala de aula para a família e o lar, este tipo de política pode produzir dois efeitos perversos: penalizar as famílias (sobretudo as mães) e converter diferenças de capital econômico, cultural e social em resultados educacionais desiguais.

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Este artigo examina a visão do Banco Mundial sobre a primeira infância como exemplo da globalização da infância. Argumenta que a globalização é caracterizada por um ponto de vista econômico neoliberal que exacerba a desigualdade entre nações ricas e pobres e entre ricos e pobres, dentro de cada país, bem como por um otimismo tecnológico-científico que enfatiza os benefícios das intervenções tecnológicas. O artigo mostra como esses dois aspectos da globalização influenciaram as políticas para crianças pequenas que o Banco Mundial vem promovendo ativamente. Recorre aos indícios apresentados pelo Banco Mundial para exemplificar as contradições inerentes a essa abordagem.

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Considerando el escenario educativo chileno de los años 90, se analiza la política de financiamiento de la educación pública del sector de educación básica y media y su relación con los principales procesos de gestión implementados en ese período. Se sostiene que el enfoque neoliberal, que se implantó sin tregua desde el año 1981, se mantiene en su inspiración, sus principios operativos y en la aplicación de los instrumentos empleados para ello. Paralelamente, el neoliberalismo validó la idea de que los resultados educacionales no están directamente asociados con el capital social, económico y cultural de las familias, sino básicamente con los procesos de gestión de los establecimientos escolares, poniendo especial atención al tipo de propiedad de la institución escolar. Esta situación se conjuga, además, con la existencia en la macro gestión del sistema educacional chileno de un modelo matricial en que el Ministerio de Educación no ejecuta las políticas, sino son los municipios y los agentes privados quienes lo hacen, entes que no están obligados a rendir cuentas de su gestión al Ministerio en muchas áreas clave, lo que complejiza la gestión y por lo mismo, los resultados del sistema educativo público chileno.

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La monnaie a été étudiée par des économistes hétérodoxes, des sociologues et des historiens qui ont souligné ses rapports à l'ordre collectif, mais elle n'est que rarement analysée sous l'angle de la citoyenneté. Notre thèse propose une réflexion théorique sur quatre types de fonctions (politique, symbolique, socioéconomique et psychoaffective) qui permettent à la monnaie de jouer un rôle de médiation de la citoyenneté. A partir d'une perspective qui combine les apports de l'économie politique internationale et de l'école de la régulation, nous montrons que cette médiation ne mobilise pas seulement des mécanismes sociopolitiques nationaux, mais aussi des mécanismes internationaux qui rétroagissent sur la sphère domestique des États et affectent leur capacité à définir leur régime de citoyenneté. Cette relation est analysée dans le contexte de l'institutionnalisation du système monétaire international de Bretton Woods (1944) et du développement de la globalisation financière depuis les années 1970. Si la monnaie a été mise au service d'un principe de protection des droits sociaux des citoyens contre les pressions financières extérieures après la Seconde guerre mondiale, elle contribue aujourd'hui à l'ouverture de la sphère domestique des Etats aux flux de capitaux transnationaux et à la création d'un ordre politique et juridique favorable aux droits des investisseurs. Cette dynamique est impulsée par l'essor de nouveaux intermédiaires financiers (notamment les agences de notation et les investisseurs institutionnels) et l'émergence concomitante d'une nouvelle forme d'Etat légitimée à partir d'un discours politique néolibéral insistant sur la quête de compétitivité, la réduction de la protection sociale et la responsabilisation individuelle. Elle se traduit par la privatisation des régimes de retraite et le développement des politiques d'éducation financière qui incitent les citoyens à se comporter en « preneurs de risques » actifs et responsables, assurant eux-mêmes leur sécurité économique à travers le placement de leur épargne retraite sur les marchés financiers. Nous soulignons toutefois les difficultés institutionnelles, cognitives et socioéconomiques qui rendent cette transformation de la citoyenneté contradictoire et problématique. Money has been studied by heterodox economists, sociologists and historians who stressed its relationship to collective order. However, it has hardly been analysed from the viewpoint of its relationship to citizenship. We propose a theoretical account of four types of functions (political, symbolic, socioeconomic and psychoaffective) enabling money to operate as a mediation of citizenship. From a perspective that combines the contributions of international political economy and the regulation school, we show that this mediation mobilises not only national sociopolitical mechanisms, but also international mechanisms which feed back on the domestic sphere of states and affect their capacity to define their regime of citizenship. This relationship is analysed in the context of the institutionalisation of the international monetary system of Bretton Woods (1944) and the development of financial globalization since the 1970s. If money has served to protect the social rights of citizens against external financial pressures after the Second World War, today it contributes to the opening of the domestic sphere of states to transnational capital flows and to the creation of a political and legal order favorable to the rights of investors. This dynamic is driven by the rise of new financial intermediaries (in particular rating agencies and institutional investisors) and the simultaneous emergence of a new form of state legitimized from a neoliberal political discourse emphasizing the quest for competitiveness, reduced social protection and individual responsibilization. It results in the privatization of pension systems and the development of policies of financial education that encourage citizens to behave as active and responsible « risk takers », ensuring their own economic security through the investment of their savings retirement on financial markets. However, we emphasize the institutional, cognitive and socioeconomic difficulties that make this transformation of citizenship contradictory and problematic. - Money has been studied by heterodox economists, sociologists and historians who stressed its relationship to collective order. However, it has hardly been analysed from the viewpoint of its relationship to citizenship. We propose a theoretical account of four types of functions (political, symbolic, socioeconomic and psychoaffective) enabling money to operate as a mediation of citizenship. From a perspective that combines the contributions of international political economy and the regulation school, we show that this mediation mobilises not only national sociopolitical mechanisms, but also international mechanisms which feed back on the domestic sphere of states and affect their capacity to define their regime of citizenship. This relationship is analysed in the context of the institutionalisation of the international monetary system of Bretton Woods (1944) and the development of financial globalization since the 1970s. If money has served to protect the social rights of citizens against external financial pressures after the Second World War, today it contributes to the opening of the domestic sphere of states to transnational capital flows and to the creation of a political and legal order favorable to the rights of investors. This dynamic is driven by the rise of new financial intermediaries (in particular rating agencies and institutional investisors) and the simultaneous emergence of a new form of state legitimized from a neoliberal political discourse emphasizing the quest for competitiveness, reduced social protection and individual responsibilization. It results in the privatization of pension systems and the development of policies of financial education that encourage citizens to behave as active and responsible « risk takers », ensuring their own economic security through the investment of their savings retirement on financial markets. However, we emphasize the institutional, cognitive and socioeconomic difficulties that make this transformation of citizenship problematic.

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Partnerships in international migration governance promise a cooperative approach between countries of origin, transit and destination. The literature has generally conceptualised migration partnerships as a policy instrument. This article suggests that understanding the broader transformations taking place in international migration governance under the rubric of partnership demands a novel analysis. Using a governmentality perspective, I interpret migration partnerships as an instance of neoliberal rule. Focusing on the convergence of international migration governance between the international realm and the European and North American region in particular, I demonstrate that the partnership approach frames international migration governance so as to enlist governments, migrants and particular experts in governing international migration, and invokes specific technologies of neoliberal governing which contribute to producing responsible, self-disciplined partners who can be trusted to govern themselves according to the norms established by the partnership discourse. The partnership approach is not a mere policy instrument; it goes beyond the European region and has become an essential element of the governance of international migration.

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El artículo considera la educación como un elemento central del gobernamiento, un arte para la conducción de sí y de los otros. Este arte, que entre los siglos XVI y el XX, se entendió, por lo menos, de tres maneras distintas: la "Ensenanza con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad disciplinaria", corresponde a la emergencia de la Didáctica (siglos XVI y XVII) y de las prácticas de policia; la "Educación con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad liberal" (siglos XVIII y XIX) corresponde a la aparición de los conceptos de educación, libertad e interés; es el momento de articulación de prácticas Disciplinarias con nuevas prácticas liberales y, con ellas, la emergencia de prácticas biopolíticas en la educación; el "Aprendizaje con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad neoliberal", que encuentra en la educación permanente y en el capital humano las condiciones de emergencia de una "sociedad del aprendizaje".

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Peasant societies are often seen by neoliberal or Marxist theorists as passive subjects of political-economic transformations occurring at a higher level, only surviving through acculturation to market requirements. By analyzing agricultural work organization in highland communities and a local system of water management called Acuerdos Reciprocos por el Agua (Reciprocal Agreements for Water), developed in 2003 by the Natura Bolivia foundation in Florida Province in Bolivia, we show that, contrary to this perception, traditional reciprocal norms still play an essential role in decision making. This suggests the agency of rural societies and the resilience of traditional reciprocity-based norms in mountain regions.

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Com a base per endinsar-se en l'anhlisi de l'articulació espacial d'un territori, proposo postular que aquesta articulació, és a dir, l'espai social en cada moment determinat, és la resultant dels efectes de la formació social vigent sobre una situació genealbgica del territori en el qual intervé. Segons aixb, la variable articuladora en cada formació social estarh formada pel procés de producció i reproducció de valor en la seqükncia: 1) producció de valor; 2) utilització dels diversos recursos productius, tot aprofitant-se de la mobilitat diferencial dels factors; 3) circulació del valor, i 4) gestió i/o apropiació de l'excedent i repartiment social del valor. Tot aixb sobre un territori en el qual s'articularan diverses funcionalitzacions de manera que possibilitin, i maximalitzin si és possible, el resultat per part del bloc gestor-apropiador de l'excedent.

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Most corporate codes of conduct and multi-stakeholder sustainability standards guarantee workers' rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining, but many authors are sceptical about the concrete impact of codes and standards of this kind. In this paper we use Hancher and Moran's (1998) concept of 'regulatory space' to assess the potential of private transnational regulation to support the growth of trade union membership and collective bargaining relationships, drawing on some preliminary case study results from a project on the impact of the International Finance Corporation's (IFC) social conditionality on worker organization and social dialogue. One of the major effects of neoliberal economic and industrial policy has been the routine exclusion of workers' organizations from regulatory processes on the grounds that they introduce inappropriate 'political' motives into what ought to be technical decision-making processes. This, rather than any direct attack on their capacity to take action, is what seems best to explain the global decline in union influence (Cradden 2004; Howell 2007; Howe 2012). The evidence we present in the paper suggests that private labour regulation may under certain conditions contribute to a reversal of this tendency, re-establishing the legitimacy of workers' organizations within regulatory processes and by extension the legitimacy of their use of economic and social power. We argue that guarantees of freedom of association and bargaining rights within private regulation schemes are effective to the extent that they can be used by workers' organizations in support of a claim for access to the regulatory space within which the terms and conditions of the employment relationship are determined. Our case study evidence shows that certain trade unions in East Africa have indeed been able to use IFC and other private regulation schemes as levers to win recognition from employers and to establish collective bargaining relationships. Although they did not attempt to use formal procedures to make a claim for the enforcement of freedom of association rights on behalf of their members, the unions did use enterprises' adherence to private regulation schemes as a normative point of reference in argument and political exchange about worker representation. For these unions, the regulation was a useful addition to the range of arguments that they could deploy as means to justify their demand for recognition by employers. By contrast, the private regulation that helps workers' organizations to win access to regulatory processes does little to ensure that they are able to participate meaningfully, whether in terms of technical capacity or of their ability to mobilize social power as a counterweight to the economic power of employers. To the extent that our East African unions were able to make an impact on terms and conditions of employment via their participation in regulatory space it was solely on the basis of their own capacities and resources and the application of national labour law.

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Se presentan diversas cuestiones de la relación entre los modelos helénicos de las colonias de Emporion y Rhode y las costumbres indígenas evidenciadas en los yacimientos ibéricos de su entorno. Los cultos de Artemis y Apolo como dioses protectores de la emporía arcaica de los foceos, el urbanismo de Rhode en el siglo III a.C., los cultos emporitanos, la interpretación del yacimiento de Pontós, la mezcla de cultos griegos y celtas en Ullastret y Pontós y un cálato excepcional en un campo de silos al pie de S. Julià, se estudian como evidencias de esta relación. En el siglo II a.C., Roma implantará un nuevo orden político y económico del que Emporion será la gran beneficiada.

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Almost thirty years ago, as the social sciences underwent their 'discursive turn', Bernardo Secchi (1984) drew, in what he called the 'urban planning narrative', the attention of planners to the production of myths, turning an activity often seen as primarily technical into one centred around the production of images and ideas. This conception of planning practice gave rise to a powerful current of research in English-speaking countries. Efforts were made to both combine the urban planning narrative with storytelling and to establish storytelling as a prescriptive or descriptive model for planning practice. Thus, just as storytelling is supposed to have led democratic communication off track through a pronounced concern for a good story, storytelling applied to the field of urban production may have led to an increasing preoccupation with staging and showmanship for projects to the detriment of their real inclusion in political debate. It is this possible transformation of the territorial action that will be the focus of the articles collected in this special issue of Articulo - Journal of urban research.

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Dado el importante crecimiento de la población inmigrante en España, es interesante estudiar su distribución sobre el territorio urbano. Desde la estadística se dispone de diferentes indicadores con una larga tradición, que permiten cuantificar la segregación de grupos de población minoritarios. Mediante la aplicación de estas herramientas a la realidad de los municipios catalanes, se muestra su utilidad a la hora de analizar la segregación residencial dentro de una ciudad, y detectar las pautas que rigen este fenómeno. Los resultados muestran que no hay relación clara entre el porcentaje de población extranjera y el nivel de segregación, y que la segregación difiere según el grupo observado. Una nueva perspectiva de la segregación se obtiene con la utilización de indicadores diseñados mediante elementos de estadística espacial. La combinación de todas estas medidas representa un procedimiento útil para el análisis de la distribución de la población inmigrante en las zonas urbanas, su utilidad se extiende a diferentes áreas como la sociología, la economía, el urbanismo o las políticas de vivienda.