Ensino Religioso e a Educação para a Solidariedade

A disciplina de Ensino Religioso, por passar desapercebida e ser entendida como de menor importância, acaba não recebendo o devido valor na grande maioria das escolas públicas e, também, na Academia. Tendo em vista essa problemática, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo mostrar a relevância da mesma para a sociedade, focando sua contribuição para superar a exclusão social e, conseqüentemente, a sua relação com a Educação para a Solidariedade. A partir dessa perspectiva, para a concretização desse objetivo, consideramos alguns conceitos fundamentais para esse fim, como educação, neoliberalismo, exclusão social, solidariedade, sentido da vida, conversão epistemológica, ética e religiosa. Também apresentamos três modelos de Ensino Religioso, a saber, o Fórum Nacional Permanente do Ensino Religioso, a Educação para a Religiosidade e o Confessional, apontando e refletindo sobre suas propostas pedagógicas, bem como pontos positivos e algumas limitações impostas por elas que precisamos levar em consideração ao utilizar qualquer um destes modelos. Como procedimentos metodológicos optamos pela pesquisa bibliográfica, sendo Jung Mo Sung e Hugo Assmann os autores que fundamentaram e justificaram, de forma mais precisa, a pertinência da Educação para a Solidariedade com o Ensino Religioso. Com esse trabalho, pretendemos propor que o Ensino Religioso é uma disciplina que deve ser compreendida e respeitada por todos aqueles que estão envolvidos com a educação, pois essa disciplina, ao auxiliar o processo educacional no combate à exclusão social, acaba por possuir uma participação precisa na nossa sociedade.(AU)

ENSINO SOCIAL DA CNBB : crítica ao capitalismo neoliberal e ilusão transcendental

A práxis religiosa dos cristãos na América Latina está profundamente associada aos debates de superação da exclusão social na busca de uma sociedade mais justa e solidária. Desde o pós-guerra os cristãos são fundamentais nas ações de transformação da sociedade. Nesta tradição, a CNBB propõe orientações pastorais sobre as diversas realidades da sociedade, também a economia. Entre 1995 e 2004, os documentos oficiais da CNBB apresentam uma contundente crítica ao sistema de globalização neoliberal, apresentando a exigência dos cristãos trabalharem na superação desta ideologia econômica em busca de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. É importante perceber as contribuições específicas do cristianismo deste discurso teológico-pastoral. Esta crítica levada a sua radicalidade teológica deve ser capaz de desvelar a ilusão transcendental, criticando a ingenuidade utópica que absolutiza projetos históricos gerando sacrifícios de vidas humanas. Para isto, é necessário contínuo discernimento a partir da liberdade cristã que se constitui em um critério ético fundamental de discernimento a partir da vida das vítimas. Neste sentido, os textos sociais da CNBB são apresentados no contexto do discurso social católico no Brasil, em sua lógica crítica ao neoliberalismo e na análise da ilusão transcendental às vezes reproduzida nas propostas de superação da sociedade atual.

A IGREJA METODISTA E SUA AÇÃO PASTORAL FRENTE AO FENÔMENO DO ENVELHECIMENTO POPULACIONAL BRASILEIRO

O envelhecimento populacional é uma realidade mundial. No caso do Brasil pode-se afirmar que este fenômeno tem trazido novos desafios para o governo e para a sociedade como um todo. A Igreja Metodista, como parte dessa sociedade, é uma comunidade de fé que apresenta em seus documentos uma proposta pastoral de forte engajamento nas questões sociais. Diante disso, esta pesquisa se propõe a analisar a Ação Pastoral da Igreja Metodista frente ao fenômeno do envelhecimento populacional brasileiro. Para elaboração da mesma utiliza-se de dois métodos de procedimento: o método histórico, para o primeiro e o segundo capítulos, e o método estatístico para o terceiro. No primeiro capítulo são abordados os conceitos e os preconceitos relativos à velhice e ao envelhecimento; é apresentada uma análise demográfica do envelhecimento populacional brasileiro; e por fim são, tecido breves comentários sobre a velhice frente o neoliberalismo. No segundo capítulo são apresentados um breve histórico e a conceituação de termos relevantes para a pesquisa: Teologia Prática, Pastoral, Práxis e Igreja Metodista. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, apresenta-se a análise e discussão dos resultados da pesquisa de campo realizada em três igrejas, cujo objetivo é aferir em seu cotidiano qual tem sido, efetivamente, a Ação Pastoral da Igreja Metodista frente ao fenômeno do envelhecimento populacional. Nas considerações finais do trabalho, de posse dos resultados da pesquisa apresenta-se algumas pistas pastorais para uma ação com e para os idosos.(AU)

SINDICATO DOS PROFESSORES DA REDE PÚBLICA DE EDUCAÇÃO DO ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO: COMO VAI O MOVIMENTO NA ERA NEOLIBERAL?

O estudo sociopolítico aqui contido analisa a ausência da participação dos professores do ensino público da rede estadual de São Paulo nos movimentos sindicais, a partir da década de 2000. À desvalorização da carreira e os baixos salários continuam sendo queixas semelhantes ao passado; o que difere é que não há mais movimento como no passado. Para pesquisar tal inércia partimos da observação da participação dos professores nos movimentos sindicais a partir de 1980 até 2009 e dividimos em dois períodos: o primeiro período, que vai de 1980 a 1989 e 1990 a 1999, (porque neles, ocorreram as maiores movimentações da categoria), e um segundo período que vai de 2000 a 2009 (onde se observa claramente o declínio de tais movimentos). O objetivo dessa pesquisa é responder por que o professor atualmente não participa mais dos movimentos sindicais e o que provoca a ausência dos professores nos movimentos da categoria. Faremos a pesquisa com duas gerações de professores distintas: uma geração que vivenciou os movimentos da categoria nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, e que ainda está ativa na rede pública, e outra geração de jovens professores que ingressaram a partir de 2000. A hipótese aqui levantada é a de que as diferenças da origem de classe social dos professores, a formação política e a formação universitária dentro dos moldes neoliberais e a política neoliberal adotada para a educação pública do Estado de São Paulo, foram os fatores que influenciaram o nível de participação dos docentes em movimentos sindicais, gerando diferenças de comportamento reivindicatório entre as gerações. A pesquisa não tem por objetivo a análise das entidades sindicais e sim do pensamento e sentimento dos elementos que compõem esses sindicatos e formam a alma dos movimentos: os professores.

The political discourse and material practice of technology enhanced learning

Technology discloses man’s mode of dealing with Nature, the process of production by which he sustains his life, and thereby also lays bare the mode of formation of his social relations, and of the mental conceptions that flow from them (Marx, 1990: 372) My thesis is a Sociological analysis of UK policy discourse for educational technology during the last 15 years. My framework is a dialogue between the Marxist-based critical social theory of Lieras and a corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of UK policy for Technology Enhanced Learning (TEL) in higher education. Embedded in TEL is a presupposition: a deterministic assumption that technology has enhanced learning. This conceals a necessary debate that reminds us it is humans that design learning, not technology. By omitting people, TEL provides a vehicle for strong hierarchical or neoliberal, agendas to make simplified claims politically, in the name of technology. My research has two main aims: firstly, I share a replicable, mixed methodological approach for linguistic analysis of the political discourse of TEL. Quantitatively, I examine patterns in my corpus to question forms of ‘use’ around technology that structure a rigid basic argument which ‘enframes’ educational technology (Heidegger, 1977: 38). In a qualitative analysis of findings, I ask to what extent policy discourse evaluates technology in one way, to support a Knowledge Based Economy (KBE) in a political economy of neoliberalism (Jessop 2004, Fairclough 2006). If technology is commodified as an external enhancement, it is expected to provide an ‘exchange value’ for learners (Marx, 1867). I therefore examine more closely what is prioritised and devalued in these texts. Secondly, I disclose a form of austerity in the discourse where technology, as an abstract force, undertakes tasks usually ascribed to humans (Lieras, 1996, Brey, 2003:2). This risks desubjectivisation, loss of power and limits people’s relationships with technology and with each other. A view of technology in political discourse as complete without people closes possibilities for broader dialectical (Fairclough, 2001, 2007) and ‘convivial’ (Illich, 1973) understandings of the intimate, material practice of engaging with technology in education. In opening the ‘black box’ of TEL via CDA I reveal talking points that are otherwise concealed. This allows me as to be reflexive and self-critical through praxis, to confront my own assumptions about what the discourse conceals and what forms of resistance might be required. In so doing, I contribute to ongoing debates about networked learning, providing a context to explore educational technology as a technology, language and learning nexus.

The mission and culture of the corporation

The economic crisis has brought a new situation also for the Hungarian economic policy, as neoliberalism as the main trend in economic thought is no longer valid. This phenomenon cannot be reduced to be a mere macroeconomic course shift, as an entire economic philosophy and approach has lost its relevance. One consequence of this is the need for a thorough revision of the theory and practice of business management, along with the re-evaluation of the notion and position of the corporation. Our study aims to contribute to this theoretical reformation, presenting that social values derived from psychological and sociological findings such as human motivational theories or trust are fundamental elements of the 21st century corporate model. To point to this, we use the ideological correspondences, while proving that our national research on corporate theory and even rather its application are far behind the 21st century requirements and lack even the Western view of the 20th century.

Globalizing governmentality: Sites of neoliberal assemblage in the Americas

This dissertation analyzes processes of globalization, through a critical examination of the dynamics of neoliberalism in the Americas. It employs and also develops a Foucauldian governmentality analytical framework, demonstrating how such a framework contributes to our understanding of world politics. This dissertation also develops the concept of a liberal political imaginary—consisting of the market, society, and the state—and utilizes this as an analytical framework for understanding the globalization of neoliberal forms of governance. The research suggests that discourses and practices of globalization, global civil society, and global governance represent a fundamental transformation in the way that contemporary social and political reality is understood, and that this has significant consequences for the kinds of political practices and relations that are possible. Moreover, the research suggests the globalization of a neoliberal form of competitive subjectivity that can be applied to a broad range of actors—from individuals to nation-states and international organizations—is reshaping contemporary world politics. The dissertation concludes by suggesting how Foucauldian IR can move forward by incorporating studies of contemporary transformations in capitalism into their analyses.

The Corporatization of Higher Education

This essay reviews recent books and articles that examine the politics and economics of the restructuring of public universities in the United States. The author weaves the arguments together to point to several prominent trends: increased corporatization of university governance and increased dependence on the market for resources previously provided by the state, reduction of full-time faculty in favor of instructors and adjuncts, dramatic growth of administrative personnel, and mounting student debt. The history of these developments is explored by examining the roots of the political attacks on the public university.

Climate Change and Globalization: Toward a Deleuzoguattarian Approach in Geography

While there is considerable literature on neoliberalism in and of nature and the environment as well as in the interface between climate change and globalization, attempts at marrying the various conceptualizations of these have been limited. In this paper, I briefly review a portion of the literature on climate change and globalization (both broadly defined) locating the connections and disconnections on the topic. I then attempt to synthesize some of the ideas and problems expressed in many of these existing approaches to develop a Deleuzoguattarian approach to the intersections of climate change and globalization across spaces and scales. Finally, I argue that a non-linear historical materialism provides a way of addressing the limitations in existing frameworks.

The Bankruptcy of Liberalism and Social Democracy in the Neoliberal Age

The increasing similarity between the economic policies of center-left and center-right political parties has effectively diminished the legitimacy of governments in relationship to their citizenry in Western Europe and the U.S. Capitalist democracies during the period of managed capitalism gained legitimacy by the appearance of the separation of capitalist ownership rights in the marketplace from the political institutions that govern capitalism. During this period, Social Democratic parties in Western Europe, and to a lesser extent the Democratic Party in the U.S., paid some amount of attention to labor unions and mass constituents in formulating their policy agendas. The era of neoliberalism (late 1970s to the present) has broken any such appearances, with the dominant political parties, regardless of party label, moving rightward to embrace many of the same economic policy agendas.

Mockumentary as postnationalism: national identity in 'A Day Without a Mexican' by Sergio Arau

The turn to neoliberalism in the 1990s proved decisive for Mexico, as the NAFTA project embraced by the Salinas administration entailed a re-definition of national identity, defined since the revolution as mestizo, Catholic and especially as the Other to the United States. And just as cinema was in those days a crucial discourse for this particular construction of the identity, it was in the 1990s equally instrumental to its redefinition, which largely focused on the role of migrants to the US, presented even as supplementary in the Derridean sense. In 1992, as part of these efforts, Sergio Arau directed a mockumentary which in 2004 became a feature film, ‘A Day Without a Mexican’. As would befit more the seriousness of a documentary than the excess and parody of mockumentary, the stated aim in both was to advance a social agenda, arguing the case for immigrant labour and for Mexican presence in the US more generally. The film charts what would happen in California were all Latino immigrants to suddenly disappear, arguing chaos would ensue. Given the link between cinema and modernity and the relevance of cinema for the nation as an alternative public sphere, this chapter looks at the implications of choosing mockumentary, taken by many to be a paradigmatic postmodern and hybrid form, to discuss the hybridisation of national identity in a transnational film, in the present age of globalisation.

Police is Dead: On the Birth of Economism

Police is Dead is an historiographic analysis whose objective is to change the terms by which contemporary humanist scholarship assesses the phenomenon currently termed neoliberalism. It proceeds by building an archeology of legal thought in the United States that spans the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. My approach assumes that the decline of certain paradigms of political consciousness set historical conditions that enable the emergence of what is to follow. The particular historical form of political consciousness I seek to reintroduce to the present is what I call “police:” a counter-liberal way of understanding social relations that I claim has particular visibility within a legal archive, but that has been largely ignored by humanist theory on account of two tendencies: first, an over-valuation of liberalism as Western history’s master signifier; and second, inconsistent and selective attention to law as a cultural artifact. The first part of my dissertation reconstructs an anatomy of police through close studies of court opinions, legal treatises, and legal scholarship. I focus in particular on juridical descriptions of intimate relationality—which police configured as a public phenomenon—and slave society apologetics, which projected the notion of community as an affective and embodied structure. The second part of this dissertation demonstrates that the dissolution of police was critical to emergence of a paradigm I call economism: an originally progressive economic framework for understanding social relations that I argue developed at the nexus of law and economics at the turn of the twentieth century. Economism is a way of understanding sociality that collapses ontological distinctions between formally distinct political subjects—i.e., the state, the individual, the collective—by reducing them to the perspective of economic force. Insofar as it was taken up and reoriented by neoliberal theory, this paradigm has become a hegemonic form of political consciousness. This project concludes by encouraging a disarticulation of economism—insofar as it is a form of knowledge—from neoliberalism as its contemporary doctrinal manifestation. I suggest that this is one way progressive scholarship can think about moving forward in the development of economic knowledge, rather than desiring to move backwards to a time before the rise of neoliberalism. Disciplinarily, I aim to show that understanding the legal historiography informing our present moment is crucial to this task.

Critique féministe matérialiste du droit civil québécois : le travail « domestique » et les violences sexuées, les « impensés » du droit du logement.

Cette recherche constitue un essai de théorie critique féministe matérialiste et radicale. Elle poursuit principalement un objectif de dénonciation de la structure actuelle du droit du logement. À partir d’un cadre conceptuel fondé sur le féminisme matérialiste et radical, elle souhaite faire ressortir le point de vue de la classe des femmes dans l’habitation. Le droit du logement est ici utilisé dans un sens large, puisqu’il se réfère à la fois au logement comme phénomène juridique, mais aussi sociologique. À l’intérieur de la discipline juridique, il renvoie à l’ensemble des législations actuellement en vigueur au Québec en ce qui concerne la vie à domicile. Notre étude se concentre sur deux modes d’occupation des lieux, à travers le droit de propriété et le système locatif. Le droit au logement fait l’objet d’une reconnaissance internationale dans les textes portant sur les droits humains. Il est reconnu comme le « droit à un logement suffisant ». Au Canada et au Québec, il ne fait pas l’objet d’une reconnaissance explicite, malgré les engagements pris sur la scène internationale. Un portrait statistique, appuyé sur le critère du sexe, permet de mettre en évidence qu’il existe des écarts entre les hommes et les femmes en ce qui concerne la mise en application du droit du logement. Les femmes accèdent plus difficilement à un logement; elles y effectuent la majorité du travail domestique, de service et de « care » et elles sont les principales victimes des violences commises à domicile. Dans le système d’habitation, l’expérience des femmes se comprend comme une appropriation à la fois privée et collective par la classe des hommes, telle que réfléchie par Colette Guillaumin, qui se concentre autour de la division sexuelle du travail et des violences sexuées. Le droit du logement, dans sa forme actuelle, repose sur l’appropriation de la force de travail des femmes et de leur corps. Ces deux critères permettent de construire une grille d’analyse féministe matérialiste et radicale pour analyser la structure du droit du logement, tel que conçu en droit civil. Cette analyse féministe permet également de situer le droit étatique comme une pratique patriarcale. Cette dernière contribue à assurer le maintien du système d’habitation, qui est assimilable à un système hégémonique, au sens développé par Gramsci. Cette étude réfléchit sur le droit du logement dans le climat politique néolibéral. Le néolibéralisme est développé comme une idéologie qui impose une rationalité marchande à l’ensemble des politiques étatiques. À partir d’une méthode décrite comme métathéorique externe radicalement réflexive, puisqu’elle propose l’importation d’outils conceptuels étrangers à la discipline du droit moderne, nous réfléchissons de manière radicale la construction du droit civil et des institutions qui encadrent le droit du logement. La collecte des données s’effectue à partir de la recherche documentaire. Quatre institutions du droit civil seront examinées dans le détail, soit le sujet du droit, la dichotomie privé/public, la médiation du droit du logement par les biens immeubles, à travers le rapport contractuel et le droit de propriété, et finalement les notaires. L’analyse féministe du sujet du droit insiste sur un paradoxe. D’une part, l’universalité présumée de ce sujet, laquelle permet de poser l’égalité et la liberté pour toutes les personnes juridiques. Or, plutôt que d’être neutre sexuellement comme le prétend le droit positif, nous démontrons comment ce sujet est constamment un membre de la classe des hommes. D’autre part, nous analysons comment le droit reconnaît le sexe de ses sujets, mais surtout comment cette sexualité est construite sur l’idéologie naturaliste. Ce modèle de sujet masculin est fondamental dans la construction du droit du logement. L’étude féministe de la dichotomie privé/public en fait ressortir le caractère situé. En effet, si par essence aucun domaine ou enjeu n’est en soit privé ou public, le processus de qualification, lui, est un acte de pouvoir. Nous verrons comment le droit civil crée des zones de droit privé, comprises comme des zones de non-droit pour les femmes. La qualification de privé dévalue également le travail accompli par cette classe de sexe. Le droit du logement est pourtant centré sur le rapport contractuel et sur le droit de propriété. Il importe alors d’examiner la nature du consentement donné par les femmes comme groupe social dans les contrats de vente et de location. Ces contrats ne prennent pas en compte l’expérience des femmes dans leur formation. Les catégories qui y sont attachées, telles que vendeur.e ou locataire, représentent le point de vue de la classe des hommes. Bien que la popularité de la copropriété auprès de la classe des femmes semble porteuse d’un vent de changement, nous analysons comment le discours dominant qui l’entoure instrumentalise certaines revendications féministes, tout en laissant dans l’ombre la question du travail domestique et des violences sexuées. Finalement, nous nous intéressons aux notaires en les repensant comme des intellectuel.les organiques, tels que conçu.es par Gramsci, pour la classe des hommes. Cette fonction d’intellectuel.les permet de mettre en lumière comment chaque transaction immobilière favorise la reproduction des intérêts patriarcaux, remettant ainsi en question la nature des devoirs de conseil et d’impartialité du notariat. À la lumière de cette analyse, le Code civil du Québec est qualifié dans une perspective féministe matérialiste et radicale pour devenir un système qui institutionnalise l’appropriation des femmes par l’entremise du droit du logement. Ce travail de recherche permet d’envisager certaines pistes de réflexion pour des rénovations potentielles des pratiques juridiques entourant le droit du logement, notamment la pratique notariale, tournées vers des objectifs féministes de justice sociale.

La conception néolibérale de la justice: les cas comparés de Friedrich A. von Hayek et de Walter Lippmann

Le néolibéralisme, un terme qui désigne couramment la raison d’état contemporaine, est largement associé à un désinvestissement de l’État pour la cause sociale ainsi qu’à un discours de légitimation des disparités socio-économiques. Il s’agit, pour plusieurs, d’une idéologie qui ne considère pas la justice comme un idéal collectif à poursuivre. Un retour sur certains penseurs à qui l’on attribue la formulation des idées néolibérales permet toutefois de constater que la justice fut, au sein de leurs travaux, l’un des thèmes majeurs. L’objectif général de ce mémoire est donc de présenter la conception de la justice chez deux penseurs du néolibéralisme : le journaliste américain Walter Lippmann et l’économiste autrichien Friedrich A. von Hayek. Cette perspective comparée me permettra d’identifier ce que je nomme la «conception néolibérale» de la justice, conception qui s’articule à partir d’une compréhension singulière du marché. Dans le premier chapitre, je présente le problème central de la conception néolibérale de la justice, en abordant la posture épistémologique privilégiée par Hayek et Lippmann. Dans le deuxième chapitre, je présente certaines modalités de cette conception et soulève ses principales apories. Je soutiens aussi qu’une rupture survient entre Hayek et Lippmann autour de la notion de «responsabilité». Finalement, je compare la conception néolibérale de la justice avec la conception libertarienne présentée par Nozick. C’est à partir des critères de justice respectifs de chaque théorie que j’avance la distinction, au troisième chapitre, entre les deux conceptions pourtant similaires. Contrairement à une analyse courante qui fait du néolibéralisme un projet amoral, je soutiens que la reconnaissance de la dimension morale du discours néolibéral ouvre une fenêtre à partir de laquelle il devient possible de critiquer le projet sur des bases éthiques. C’est en identifiant la notion de justice à l’oeuvre dans le discours néolibéral contemporain et en l’inscrivant dans la tradition morale présentée dans le cadre de ce mémoire que nous sommes mieux à même de comprendre l’idéologie du néolibéralisme.