Ethnicity, Governance and the Provision of Public Goods

Ethnicity is an important institution and one that impacts on the quality of governance. This paper focuses on the behavior of ethnic groups and specifically on their impact on the provision of public goods. The paper shows that ethnic heterogeneity results in under-provision of non-excludable public goods. On the other hand, such societies associate with provision of patronage goods. The paper proposes some areas of research such the economics of ethnic institutions, empirical evidence of the role ethnic groups on public goods provision, tax compliance and institutional reforms to improve governance.

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Childhood obesity prevention in the 80th Texas legislative session

The increased number of obese children in the United States has prompted many efforts to reduce obesity by predominantly focusing resources to develop better education, awareness, nutrition and physical activity. There has been increased interest within communities and governments to turn to policy makers for help in taking action. The possibility for various health policies geared toward preventing childhood obesity is diverse in nature. In order to understand strategies taken by Texas legislatures to address childhood obesity, this study examines childhood obesity prevention policy recommendations and subsequently uses them to identify relevant legislation. This study follows identified legislation during the 80th Texas legislative session to gain an understanding of the steps that the Texas legislatures are currently taking to prevent childhood obesity. This study concludes that the Texas legislative process was successful at effecting changes in education policy. However, during this legislative session Texas legislators did not follow many strategies and recommendations which may be more effective at reducing childhood obesity. ^

A costing exercise of provision of prevention of HIV transmission from mother to child services in Vietnam

Objectives. This dissertation focuses on estimating the cost of providing a minimum package of prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission (PMTCT) in Vietnam from a societal perspective and discussing the issues of scaling-up the minimum package nationwide. ^ Methods. Through collection of cost-related data of PMTCT services at 22 PMTCT sites in 5 provinces (Hanoi, Quang Ninh, Thai Nguyen, Hochiminh City, and An Giang) in Vietnam, the research investigates the item cost of each service in minimum PMTCT packages and the actual cost per PMTCT site at different organizational levels including central, provincial, and district. Next, the actual cost per site at each organizational level is standardized by adjusting for HIV prevalence rate to arrive at standardized costs per site. This study then uses the standardized costs per site to project, by different scenarios, the total cost to scale-up the PMTCT program in Vietnam. ^ Results. The cost for HIV tests, infant formula, and salary of health workers are consistently found to be the biggest expenditures in the PMTCT minimum package program across all organizational levels. Annual cost for drugs for prophylaxis treatment, operating and capital, and training costs are not substantial (less than 5% of total costs at all levels). The actual annual estimated cost for a PMTCT site at the central level is nearly VND 1.9 billion or US$ 107,650 (exchange rate US$ 1 = VND 17,500) while the annual cost for a provincial site is VND 375 million or US$ 21,400. The annual cost for a district site is VND 139 million (∼US$ 8,000). ^ The estimated total annual cost to roll out the PMTCT minimum package to the 5 studied provinces is approximately US$ 1.1 million. If the PMTCT program is to be scaled-up to 14 provinces until 2008 and up to 40 provinces through the end of 2010 as planned by the Ministry of Health, it would cost the health system an approximate annual amount of US$ 2.1 million and US$ 5.04 million, respectively. The annual cost for scaling-up the PMTCT minimum package nationwide is around US$ 7.6 million. Meanwhile, the total annual cost to implement PMTCT minimum packages to achieve PMTCT national targets in 2010 (providing counseling service to 90% of all pregnant women; 60% of them will receive HIV tests and 100% of HIV (+) mother and their newborn will receive prophylaxis treatment) would be US$ 6.1 million. ^ Recommendations. This study recommends: (1) the Ministry of Health of Vietnam should adjust its short-term national targets to a more feasible and achievable level given the current level of available resources; (2) a detailed budget for scaling-up the PMTCT program should be developed together with the national PMTCT action plan; (3) the PMTCT scaling-up plan developed by the Ministry of Health should focus on coverage of high prevalence population and quality of services provided rather than number of physical provinces reached; (4) exclusive breastfeeding strategy should be promoted as part of the PMTCT program; and (5) for a smooth and effective rolling out of PMTCT services nationwide, development of a national training plan and execution of this plan must precede any other initiations of the PMTCT scaling-up plan. ^

A stakeholder analysis of the Texas Youth Commission issue for the Texas 80th Legislative Session

The following is a policy analysis based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework by Paul Sabatier. The study question was who were the stakeholders in the legislative process for the issue of the Texas Youth Commission (TYC) overhaul during the Texas 80th Legislative Session. This analysis included the stakeholders identifying characteristics including beliefs and interests, goals and resources, and finally, the winning legislative solutions as embodied in three bills that were passed. The study linked the stakeholders with three bills and expanded on the literature for the stakeholder group of Policy Brokers. The conclusions were that all stakeholders including Youth Advocates, the Policy People and Policy Brokers were effective in advancing legislative solutions to address the need for an agency overhaul of TYC and that the three new policies will be evaluated in the future as either short term change or long-term reforms based on their implementation. ^

Perceptions of chief executives of Texas Catholic health care institutions regarding the poor and the provision of Catholic health care

Perceptions of chief executive officers (CEOs) of Texas Catholic health care institutions regarding the poor and the provision of Catholic health care were the focus for this study. A total of 40 health care administrators were asked to participate in a survey. Thirty-seven CEOs responded, including seven religious superiors, six health system CEOs and 24 hospital CEOs. Survey items concerning Catholic health for the poor centered on obligations and responsibilities of Catholic hospitals, means of achieving those obligations, and assessment of whether hospitals' objectives were being met. In addition, respondents' attitudes and beliefs about poor people in general were examined. Independent variables were CEO type, gender, religious preference, member of a religious order, and educational preparation. For purposes of analysis, most survey items were classified by level of consensus exhibited by respondents. The respondents to this survey agreed on most issues concerning poor people and the provision of Catholic health care. However, there were areas of disagreement particularly in Part I of the survey which dealt with responsibility/obligation, means/methods, and assessment of health care delivery for the poor. ^

Advance provision of emergency contraception for pregnancy prevention (Review)

Background Emergency contraception can prevent pregnancy when taken after unprotected intercourse.Obtaining emergency contraception within the recommended time frame is difficult for many women. Advance provision could circumvent some obstacles to timely use. Objectives To summarize randomized controlled trials evaluating advance provision of emergency contraception to explore effects on pregnancy rates, sexually transmitted infections, and sexual and contraceptive behaviors. Search strategy In November 2009, we searched CENTRAL, EMBASE, POPLINE,MEDLINE via PubMed, and a specialized emergency contraception article database. We also searched reference lists and contacted experts to identify additional published or unpublished trials. Selection criteria We included randomized controlled trials comparing advance provision and standard access (i.e., counseling whichmay ormay not have included information about emergency contraception, or provision of emergency contraception on request at a clinic or pharmacy). Data collection and analysis Two reviewers independently abstracted data and assessed study quality. We entered and analyzed data using RevMan 5.0.23. Main results Eleven randomized controlled trials met our criteria for inclusion, representing 7695 patients in the United States, China, India and Sweden. Advance provision did not decrease pregnancy rates (odds ratio (OR) 0.98, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.76 to 1.25 in studies for which we included twelve-month follow-up data; OR 0.48, 95% CI 0.18 to 1.29 in a study with seven-month follow-up data; OR 0.92, 95% CI 0.70 to 1.20 in studies for which we included six-month follow-up data; OR 0.49, 95% CI 0.09 to 2.74 in a study with three-month follow-up data), despite reported increased use (single use: OR 2.47, 95% CI 1.80 to 3.40; multiple use: OR 4.13, 95% CI 1.77 to 9.63) and faster use (weighted mean difference (WMD) -12.98 hours, 95% CI -16.66 to -9.31 hours). Advance provision did not lead to increased rates of sexually transmitted infections (OR 1.01, 95% CI 0.75 to 1.37), increased frequency of unprotected intercourse, or changes in contraceptive methods.Women who received emergency contraception in advance were equally likely to use condoms as other women. Authors’ conclusions Advance provision of emergency contraception did not reduce pregnancy rates when compared to conventional provision. Results from primary analyses suggest that advance provision does not negatively impact sexual and reproductive health behaviors and outcomes. Women should have easy access to emergency contraception, because it can decrease the chance of pregnancy.However, the interventions tested thus far have not reduced overall pregnancy rates in the populations studied.

¿Por qué la legislación no protege los bosques nativos de Argentina? Conflictos socioambientales y políticas públicas

Tomando la perspectiva de la ecología política, el artículo analiza los conflictos socioambientales que contextualizaron la sanción de la Ley de Ordenamiento Territorial de Bosques Nativos de la Provincia de Córdoba (Ley 9814/2010). Se caracterizan los actores sociales en disputa y sus lógicas e intereses en juego, y se analizan los argumentos que justificaron las posiciones que asumieron durante el conflicto que precedió a la sanción de la ley. Se identifican las alianzas generadas a fin de constituir grupos de interés para accionar políticamente en la arena legislativa, y se contextualiza la disputa local/provincial en el modelo agropecuario dominante a nivel nacional/global. El trabajo concluye que la ley expresa una alianza de poder consolidada históricamente entre los sectores hegemónicos de poder económico y político local, quienes usan y construyen el marco institucional del Estado en su propio beneficio sin importar los costos ambientales y sociales. Esta alianza contribuye a debilitar las demandas y derechos de los sectores más vulnerables de la sociedad, desconoce los procesos de participación ciudadana y compromete la oferta futura de servicios ambientales por parte del bosque nativo

¿Por qué la legislación no protege los bosques nativos de Argentina? Conflictos socioambientales y políticas públicas

Tomando la perspectiva de la ecología política, el artículo analiza los conflictos socioambientales que contextualizaron la sanción de la Ley de Ordenamiento Territorial de Bosques Nativos de la Provincia de Córdoba (Ley 9814/2010). Se caracterizan los actores sociales en disputa y sus lógicas e intereses en juego, y se analizan los argumentos que justificaron las posiciones que asumieron durante el conflicto que precedió a la sanción de la ley. Se identifican las alianzas generadas a fin de constituir grupos de interés para accionar políticamente en la arena legislativa, y se contextualiza la disputa local/provincial en el modelo agropecuario dominante a nivel nacional/global. El trabajo concluye que la ley expresa una alianza de poder consolidada históricamente entre los sectores hegemónicos de poder económico y político local, quienes usan y construyen el marco institucional del Estado en su propio beneficio sin importar los costos ambientales y sociales. Esta alianza contribuye a debilitar las demandas y derechos de los sectores más vulnerables de la sociedad, desconoce los procesos de participación ciudadana y compromete la oferta futura de servicios ambientales por parte del bosque nativo

¿Por qué la legislación no protege los bosques nativos de Argentina? Conflictos socioambientales y políticas públicas

Tomando la perspectiva de la ecología política, el artículo analiza los conflictos socioambientales que contextualizaron la sanción de la Ley de Ordenamiento Territorial de Bosques Nativos de la Provincia de Córdoba (Ley 9814/2010). Se caracterizan los actores sociales en disputa y sus lógicas e intereses en juego, y se analizan los argumentos que justificaron las posiciones que asumieron durante el conflicto que precedió a la sanción de la ley. Se identifican las alianzas generadas a fin de constituir grupos de interés para accionar políticamente en la arena legislativa, y se contextualiza la disputa local/provincial en el modelo agropecuario dominante a nivel nacional/global. El trabajo concluye que la ley expresa una alianza de poder consolidada históricamente entre los sectores hegemónicos de poder económico y político local, quienes usan y construyen el marco institucional del Estado en su propio beneficio sin importar los costos ambientales y sociales. Esta alianza contribuye a debilitar las demandas y derechos de los sectores más vulnerables de la sociedad, desconoce los procesos de participación ciudadana y compromete la oferta futura de servicios ambientales por parte del bosque nativo

Financial Aspects of Transactions with FDI: Trade Credit Provision by SMEs in China

This paper will document financial aspects of transactions, and trade credit supply behavior with FDI among small and medium-sized enterprises(SMEs) based on two original surveys, conducted in four cities in China in 2003. The survey was designed to capture the nature of inter-firm transactions, trade credit and other financial conditions. Literature on FDI mainly refers to technology transfer, employment or investment. This paper focuses on the role and significance of FDI in the supply of trade credit due to its trade credit enforcement technology. Yanagawa, Ito and Watanabe [2006] developed a model which indicates that when a seller has higher enforcement technology or a buyer has richer liquidity, both trade credit and transaction volume will be increased. In this paper, we confirmed that FDI and G contributed to the provision of trade credit and had a positive external effect on trade credit enforcement towards China’s economy. (1) Sales towards FDI customers have the power to increase the trade credit ratio,even when controlling other factors such as choice of payment instrument, competitiveness, and expost default management. This implies that FDI does provide trade credit, not only because it has superior liquidity, but because it is also superior in terms of enforcement of trade credit repayment.(2) Cash constraints of the buyer influence the decisions concerning trade credit provided by the seller, as a model in Yanagawa, et al. [2006] predicted, and this implies that strategic default is a serious concern among SMEs in China. (3) Spillover effect exists in payment enforcement technology in transactions with FDI customers.

Politics of the 1945 Constitution:Democratization and Its Impact on Political Institutions in Indonesia

Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia? 　　　The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable. 　　　Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.

Increasing popular participation in the treaty-making process : the legislative process of Section 190 of the 2007 Constitution of Thailand

Historically, the authority to conclude international treaties was exclusively exercised by administrative bodies (or the chief of state). However, recent studies pointed out that the present legislative bodies have come to play a more active role through ratification or the review of treaties in European and American countries. Harrington (2005) studied judicial reform in British dominions and criticized the past executive-dominant treaty-making process as a “democratic deficit” due to a fear that under this system the nation might be bound by international agreements for which a consensus had not been obtained. These studies indicated that people’s participation in the treaty-making process has increased on a global basis, but neither of them provides sufficient descriptive evidence regarding why and how such procedures were established. The present paper therefore attempts to solve these questions by analyzing the legislative and political process of the treaty-making procedure reform in Thailand’s 2007 constitution as a case study.

Provision of ecological infrastructures to increase pollinators and other beneficial organisms in rainfed crops in Central Spain

In sustainable intensive agriculture, the biodiversity of monoculture fields can be increased by managing the field margins to provide ecological infrastructures that serve as refuges and resources for beneficial organisms (pollinators and natural enemies). In the present work we summarize two years of field trials following the goal to increase biodiversity of beneficial fauna in a barley field in Central Spain by sowing different herbaceous mixtures in the field margins. The presence of arthropods visiting flowers on plots sown with different types of seed mixtures and unsown natural flora (control plot) was compared by visual sampling every week between April and June. The results showed that a combination of herbaceous big-size seeds was the most successful mixture emerging under our experimental conditions and achieved a higher number of visits of beneficial arthropods than the unsown natural vegetation.