992 resultados para Joint behavior
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This structural magnetic resonance imaging study examined the relationship between pituitary gland volume (PGV) and lifetime number of parasuicidal behaviors in a first-presentation, teenage borderline personality disorder (BPD) sample with minimal exposure to treatment. Hierarchical regression analysis revealed that age and number of parasuicidal behaviors were significant predictors of PGV. These findings indicate that parasuicidal behavior in BPD might be associated with greater activation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis. Further studies are required using direct neuroendocrine measures and exploring other parameters of self-injurious behavior, such as recency of self-injurious behavior, intent to die and medical threat.
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This paper presents a combined experimental and numerical study on the behaviour of both circular and square concrete-filled steel tube (CFT) stub columns under local compression. Twelve circular and eight square CFT stub columns were tested to study their bearing capacity and the key influential parameters. A 3D finite element model was established for simulation and parametric study to investigate the structural behaviour of the stub columns. The numerical results agreed well with the experimental results. In addition, analytical formulas were proposed to calculate the load bearing capacity of CFT stub columns under local compression.
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Background Demand for essential plasma-derived products is increasing. Purpose This prospective study aims to identify predictors of voluntary non-remunerated whole blood (WB) donors becoming plasmapheresis donors. Methods Surveys were sent to WB donors who had recently (recent n = 1,957) and not recently donated (distant n = 1,012). Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) constructs (attitude, subjective norm, self-efficacy) were extended with moral norm, anticipatory regret, and donor identity. Intentions and objective plasmapheresis donation for 527 recent and 166 distant participants were assessed. Results Multi-group analysis revealed that the model was a good fit. Moral norm and self-efficacy were positively associated while role identity (suppressed by moral norm) was negatively associated with plasmapheresis intentions. Conclusions The extended TPB was useful in identifying factors that facilitate conversion from WB to plasmapheresis donation. A superordinate donor identity may be synonymous with WB donation and, for donors with a strong moral norm for plasmapheresis, may inhibit conversion.
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Purpose To test the effectiveness of static and dynamic orthoses using them as an exclusive treatment for proximal interphalangeal (PIP) joint flexion contracture compared with other hand therapy conservative treatments described in the literature. Methods 60 patients who used orthoses were compared with a control group that received other hand therapy treatments. Clinical assessments were measured before the experiment and 3 months after and included active PIP joint extension and function. Results A significant improvement in the extension active range of motion at the PIP joint in the second measurement was found in both groups, but it was significantly greater in the experimental group. Improvement in function (Disabilities of the Arm, Shoulder, and Hand score) between the first and second assessment was similar in the control and experimental groups. Conclusions Using night progressive static and daily dynamic orthoses as an exclusive treatment during the proliferative phase led to significant improvements in the PIP joint active extension, but the improvement did not correlate with increased function as perceived by the patient.
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A 46 year old institutionalized retarded woman was referred for treatment because of frequent verbal abuse and physically aggressive behaviors. A multicomponent behavioral intervention consisting of differential reinforcement of other behaviors, differential reinforcement of incompatible behaviors, and restitution was implemented. A sequential withdrawal design was used in order to evaluate the effects of components of the original intervention, and to provide a measure of response maintenance. Results indicated a marked decrease in verbal abuse and elimination of physical aggression. Verbal abuse recurred when the restitution procedure was withdrawn. The relative efficacy of the different interventions is discussed with respect to the behavioral management of aggression.
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Businesses in various consumer service industries have begun to unbundle their service offerings by introducing numerous fees for products and services that were previously provided as “free.” Anecdotal evidence in the media indicates that these fees cause widespread public displeasure, frustration, and outrage. This paper develops a framework of fee acceptability, negative emotions, and dysfunctional customer behavior, which is tested using data from the airline industry. Findings identify the strongest effects on betrayal in the case of baggage fees, followed by charges for comfort. Also, betrayal has a direct effect on complaining, whereas anger mediates the relationship between betrayal and negative word of mouth.
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Purpose Following the perspective of frustration theory customer frustration incidents lead to frustration behavior such as protest (negative word‐of‐mouth). On the internet customers can express their emotions verbally and non‐verbally in numerous web‐based review platforms. The purpose of this study is to investigate online dysfunctional customer behavior, in particular negative “word‐of‐web” (WOW) in online feedback forums, among customers who participate in frequent‐flier programs in the airline industry. Design/methodology/approach The study employs a variation of the critical incident technique (CIT) referred to as the critical internet feedback technique (CIFT). Qualitative data of customer reviews of 13 different frequent‐flier programs posted on the internet were collected and analyzed with regard to frustration incidents, verbal and non‐verbal emotional effects and types of dysfunctional word‐of‐web customer behavior. The sample includes 141 negative customer reviews based on non‐recommendations and low program ratings. Findings Problems with loyalty programs evoke negative emotions that are expressed in a spectrum of verbal and non‐verbal negative electronic word‐of‐mouth. Online dysfunctional behavior can vary widely from low ratings and non‐recommendations to voicing switching intentions to even stronger forms such as manipulation of others and revenge intentions. Research limitations/implications Results have to be viewed carefully due to methodological challenges with regard to the measurement of emotions, in particular the accuracy of self‐report techniques and the quality of online data. Generalization of the results is limited because the study utilizes data from only one industry. Further research is needed with regard to the exact differentiation of frustration from related constructs. In addition, large‐scale quantitative studies are necessary to specify and test the relationships between frustration incidents and subsequent dysfunctional customer behavior expressed in negative word‐of‐web. Practical implications The study yields important implications for the monitoring of the perceived quality of loyalty programs. Management can obtain valuable information about program‐related and/or relationship‐related frustration incidents that lead to online dysfunctional customer behavior. A proactive response strategy should be developed to deal with severe cases, such as sabotage plans. Originality/value This study contributes to knowledge regarding the limited research of online dysfunctional customer behavior as well as frustration incidents of loyalty programs. Also, the article presents a theoretical “customer frustration‐defection” framework that describes different levels of online dysfunctional behavior in relation to the level of frustration sensation that customers have experienced. The framework extends the existing perspective of the “customer satisfaction‐loyalty” framework developed by Heskett et al.
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This paper presents a numerical study of the response of axially loaded concrete filled steel tube (CFST) columns under lateral impact loading using explicit non-linear finite element techniques. The aims of this paper are to evaluate the vulnerability of existing columns to credible impact events as well as to contribute new information towards the safe design of such vulnerable columns. The model incorporates concrete confinement, strain rate effects of steel and concrete, contact between the steel tube and concrete and dynamic relaxation for pre-loading, which is a relatively recent method for applying a pre-loading in the explicit solver. The finite element model was first verified by comparing results with existing experimental results and then employed to conduct a parametric sensitivity analysis. The effects of various structural and load parameters on the impact response of the CFST column were evaluated to identify the key controlling factors. Overall, the major parameters which influence the impact response of the column are the steel tube thickness to diameter ratio, the slenderness ratio and the impact velocity. The findings of this study will enhance the current state of knowledge in this area and can serve as a benchmark reference for future analysis and design of CFST columns under lateral impact.
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A submission to the Joint Standing Committee on treaties
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“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.
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Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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Objective We examined whether exposure to a greater number of fruits, vegetables, and noncore foods (ie, nutrient poor and high in saturated fats, added sugars, or added salt) at age 14 months was related to children’s preference for and intake of these foods as well as maternal-reported food fussiness and measured child weight status at age 3.7 years. Methods This study reports secondary analyses of longitudinal data from mothers and children (n=340) participating in the NOURISH randomized controlled trial. Exposure was quantified as the number of food items (n=55) tried by a child from specified lists at age 14 months. At age 3.7 years, food preferences, intake patterns, and fussiness (also at age 14 months) were assessed using maternal-completed, established questionnaires. Child weight and length/height were measured by study staff at both age points. Multivariable linear regression models were tested to predict food preferences, intake patterns, fussy eating, and body mass index z score at age 3.7 years adjusting for a range of maternal and child covariates. Results Having tried a greater number of vegetables, fruits, and noncore foods at age 14 months predicted corresponding preferences and higher intakes at age 3.7 years but did not predict child body mass index z score. Adjusting for fussiness at age 14 months, having tried more vegetables at age 14 months was associated with lower fussiness at age 3.7 years. Conclusions These prospective analyses support the hypothesis that early taste and texture experiences influence subsequent food preferences and acceptance. These findings indicate introduction to a variety of fruits and vegetables and limited noncore food exposure from an early age are important strategies to improve later diet quality.
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This project developed a quantitative method for determining the quality of the surgical alignment of the bone fragments after an ankle fracture. The research examined the feasibility of utilising MRI-based bone models versus the gold standard CT-based bone models in order to reduce the amount of ionising radiation the patient is exposed to. In doing so, the thesis reports that there is potential for MRI to be used instead of CT depending on the scanning parameters used to obtain the medical images, the distance of the implant relative to the joint surface, and the implant material.
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Due to the existing of many prestressed members in the structural system, the interdependent behavior of all prestressed members is the main concern in the analysis of the pretension process. A thorough investigation of this mutual effect is essential for an effective, reliable, and optimal analysis. Focus on this aspect, this paper presents an investigation of the interdependent behavior of all prestressed members in the whole structural system based on influence matrix (IFM). Four different types of IFM are introduced. Two different solving methods are brought forth to analyze the pretension process. The direct solving method solves for the accurate solution, whereas the iterative solving method repeatedly amends to achieve an approximate solution. A numerical example is then conducted. The result shows that various kinds of complicated batched and repeated tensioning schemes can be analyzed reliably, effectively, and completely based on IFM.