804 resultados para Integrality and psichiatric reform


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El 1º de febrero de 1912 fue promulgada la Ley Sáenz Peña que establecía, como una novedad para el sistema electoral nacional, el voto obligatorio y secreto. La provincia de Buenos Aires no adoptó tal cual dicha ley, luego de un largo debate, promulgó su propia ley electoral, que sirvió de instrumento al partido Conservador para mantenerse en el poder, hasta 1917 cuando el presidente Yrigoyen decretó la intervención federal. El objetivo del presente trabajo es ver cómo la ley bonaerense sirvió a los propósitos conservadores, y cómo, con la intervención, los radicales lograron imponerse en la provincia de Buenos Aires.

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El artículo busca analizar el lugar de Víctor Mercante en la producción de un discurso científico sobre la educación, sobre todo con las asociaciones discursivas entre ciencia y pedagogía y entre pedagogía científica y reforma educativa. Partiendo de una revisión de las lecturas historiográficas sobre su obra, el texto se detiene en el proyecto epistémico-político de la Paidología como ciencia de la infancia escolarizada y del Laboratorio en la Universidad de La Plata como institución de producción y diseminación de saberes. Mercante se estableció firmemente en redes internacionales de conocimiento y sostuvo la idea de la ciencia como empresa cosmopolita de saber, ciencia que debía ser escrita con números, cuadros y citas a pie de página como criterio de legitimidad de sus enunciados. Finalmente, se destaca su importancia en el privilegio de la infancia y la adolescencia como sujetos pedagógicos, todavía apegados a categorías epistémico-políticas del siglo XIX pero enunciados con instrumentos, lenguajes y redes de saberes del siglo XX

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El artículo busca analizar el lugar de Víctor Mercante en la producción de un discurso científico sobre la educación, sobre todo con las asociaciones discursivas entre ciencia y pedagogía y entre pedagogía científica y reforma educativa. Partiendo de una revisión de las lecturas historiográficas sobre su obra, el texto se detiene en el proyecto epistémico-político de la Paidología como ciencia de la infancia escolarizada y del Laboratorio en la Universidad de La Plata como institución de producción y diseminación de saberes. Mercante se estableció firmemente en redes internacionales de conocimiento y sostuvo la idea de la ciencia como empresa cosmopolita de saber, ciencia que debía ser escrita con números, cuadros y citas a pie de página como criterio de legitimidad de sus enunciados. Finalmente, se destaca su importancia en el privilegio de la infancia y la adolescencia como sujetos pedagógicos, todavía apegados a categorías epistémico-políticas del siglo XIX pero enunciados con instrumentos, lenguajes y redes de saberes del siglo XX

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El 1º de febrero de 1912 fue promulgada la Ley Sáenz Peña que establecía, como una novedad para el sistema electoral nacional, el voto obligatorio y secreto. La provincia de Buenos Aires no adoptó tal cual dicha ley, luego de un largo debate, promulgó su propia ley electoral, que sirvió de instrumento al partido Conservador para mantenerse en el poder, hasta 1917 cuando el presidente Yrigoyen decretó la intervención federal. El objetivo del presente trabajo es ver cómo la ley bonaerense sirvió a los propósitos conservadores, y cómo, con la intervención, los radicales lograron imponerse en la provincia de Buenos Aires.

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El artículo busca analizar el lugar de Víctor Mercante en la producción de un discurso científico sobre la educación, sobre todo con las asociaciones discursivas entre ciencia y pedagogía y entre pedagogía científica y reforma educativa. Partiendo de una revisión de las lecturas historiográficas sobre su obra, el texto se detiene en el proyecto epistémico-político de la Paidología como ciencia de la infancia escolarizada y del Laboratorio en la Universidad de La Plata como institución de producción y diseminación de saberes. Mercante se estableció firmemente en redes internacionales de conocimiento y sostuvo la idea de la ciencia como empresa cosmopolita de saber, ciencia que debía ser escrita con números, cuadros y citas a pie de página como criterio de legitimidad de sus enunciados. Finalmente, se destaca su importancia en el privilegio de la infancia y la adolescencia como sujetos pedagógicos, todavía apegados a categorías epistémico-políticas del siglo XIX pero enunciados con instrumentos, lenguajes y redes de saberes del siglo XX

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El 1º de febrero de 1912 fue promulgada la Ley Sáenz Peña que establecía, como una novedad para el sistema electoral nacional, el voto obligatorio y secreto. La provincia de Buenos Aires no adoptó tal cual dicha ley, luego de un largo debate, promulgó su propia ley electoral, que sirvió de instrumento al partido Conservador para mantenerse en el poder, hasta 1917 cuando el presidente Yrigoyen decretó la intervención federal. El objetivo del presente trabajo es ver cómo la ley bonaerense sirvió a los propósitos conservadores, y cómo, con la intervención, los radicales lograron imponerse en la provincia de Buenos Aires.

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Este estudo tem por objetivo analisar as categorias de cidadania e inclusão social na política de desinstitucionalização nos sujeitos em sofrimento psíquico diante do processo de individualização na teoria social contemporânea. Assume como hipótese que a saída do hospital psiquiátrico por si só não garante a inclusão social e nem o livre exercício da cidadania. Considerado o objetivo desta pesquisa, optou-se por fazer uma pesquisa bibliográfica como procedimento metodológico. O material de estudo foi dividido em três conjuntos: (1) 56 artigos científicos, visando a compreender a visão da academia; (2) um conjunto de legislação, composto de 10 leis que implementaram a política de desinstitucionalização no Brasil e a reforma dos serviços de saúde psiquiátrica, visando a compreender as ações do Estado; (3) quatro Relatórios Finais das quatro Conferências Nacionais de Saúde Mental, para também compreender a participação da sociedade civil. Para a análise do material, utilizou-se uma combinação de duas técnicas complementares: leitura bibliográfica com a análise de conteúdo. Dentre os vários processos que caracterizam a sociedade contemporânea, optou-se por analisar a individualização que impacta nas formas de exercício da cidadania e na inclusão social. Na análise dos resultados da categoria de cidadania foram identificadas associações em relação à interdição civil, liberdade, moradia, saúde, trabalho, educação e participação política. Relacionadas à categoria de inclusão social foram identificadas as referências à família, estigma, laços sociais, autonomia, contratualidade e trabalho. Os resultados obtidos indicam que o campo da saúde mental não está em completa consonância com as transformações da sociedade contemporânea, o que provoca um descolamento da realidade social da própria politica de desinstitucionalização e, portanto, maior dificuldade para a efetiva inclusão social e o exercício da cidadania desses indivíduos.

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This paper puts forth an alternate reading of the artistic climate in late nineteenth-century Paris than that which has traditionally been suggested. I propose that the expansion of creative opportunity during this time reveals a climate of communal support, consent, and progressive reform for women artists, rather than a struggle to undermine central (masculine) control, as many scholars have claimed. Specifically, I explore the work of American expatriates living in Paris, including but not limited to Cecilia Beaux, Anna Klumpke, Alice Kellogg, and Ellen Day Hale. The birth of the private academy in Paris offered women the chance to develop their artistic ability and assert their independence. The Académie Julian in particular provided a comparatively accepting and progressive environment where American women studying abroad could study from the nude model, receive proper training, and explore their full creative potential. Through an examination of a) these women’s self-portraits, and b) depictions of them painted by their contemporaries – both male and female – I further investigate the artistic education of American women in the highly-gendered cultural milieu of late nineteenth-century France.

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The Irish Presidency of the Council of the EU (January-June 2013) faced numerous challenges, not least of which was to negotiate the financial framework for the period 2014-2020 and the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy with the European Parliament, as well as the pressure to advance the banking agenda. Moreover, the fact that it was the start of a new Trio Presidency, the small size of the Irish administration and its fragile financial situation gave rise to some doubts as to how much it could achieve. Nevertheless, this post mortem on the Irish presidency finds that the Irish government approached the task with realism and optimism, a firm focus on results and the strong conviction that a good performance would enhance its reputation at home and in the EU. It is now for Lithuania and subsequently Greece, in the first half of 2014, to continue to tackle the remaining formidable challenges.

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The European Economic Community's third enlargement round brought up a series of tensions between member states, which would require a great amount of time and effort to be solved. Bigger issues, such as the British contribution, the community budget and the Common Agriculture Policy reforms, are going to be at the centre of EEC's agenda in the 1970-80's, and ultimately, British and French national interests on these matters will prevail. The basic argument of this article is that member states used the prospect of enlargement to achieve particular policy goals, such as improvements in decisionmaking procedures and budget reform, and only after those accomplishments, member states agreed on concluding the third enlargement.

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Countries can make a clean exit from financial assistance, or enter a new programme or a precautionary programme, depending on the sustainability of their public debt and their vulnerability to shocks. Ireland made a clean exit in December 2013, supported by significant budgetary and current-account adjustment and signs of economic recovery. But Irish debt sustainability is not guaranteed and prudence will be needed to avoid future difficulties. A clean exit for Portugal is not recommended when its programme ends in May 2014, because compared to Ireland it faces higher interest rates, has poorer growth prospects and has probably less ability to generate a consistently high primary surplus. A precautionary arrangement would be advisable. In case debt sustainability proves difficult to achieve later, some form of debt restructuring may prove necessary. It is unlikely that Greece will be able to exit its programme in December 2014. A third programme should be put in place to take Greece out of the market until 2030, accompanied by enhanced budgetary and structural reform commitments by Greece, a European boost to economic growth in the euro-area periphery and willingness on the part of lenders to reduce loan charges below their borrowing costs, should public debt levels prove unsustainable despite Greece meeting the loan conditions. Even assuming all goes well, the three countries will be subject to enhanced post-pro-gramme surveillance for decades. Managing such long-term relationships will be a key challenge.

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Executive Summary. An “arc of instability” stretching from the European Union’s (EU) eastern borders down to the Mediterranean basin has undermined its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). This policy was designed to deliver prosperity, stability and democracy to countries surrounding the EU. It has manifestly failed and needs to be radically rethought. Starting with a tabula rasa, the EU should abandon the very concept of a heterogeneous “neighbourhood” in the face of glaring differences among the 16 countries affected, not least because some are uninterested in reform; others may even be failed states. EU member states are themselves pursuing divergent interests and goals. A fundamental review of the ENP should lead to more differentiated, targeted measures to promote “transformational change” within neighbouring states ready to accept it. The EU should offer revised incentives such as participation within the proposed “energy union” or freer trade designed to aid local economic development. It should embrace a wider range of actors, including civil society, promote entrepreneurship and help reform countries’ police and military forces. The review should reassert common EU institutions in negotiating and working with neighbours and give them a central role in preventing and resolving conflicts as well as promoting democratic reform and economic stability. This revised ENP should help underpin the EU’s efforts to forge a genuine Common Foreign and Security Policy.

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CFSP's performance is widely regarded as weak. Why did Europe's stance in world politics not improve with the Treaty of Maastricht? The article analyses the present policy approach and the institutionalist and militarystrategic reform proposals. It is argued that policy and proposals suffer from drawbacks leading to an uncomprehensive formulation of a Common Foreign and Security Policy. Both do not provide CFSP with a necessary strategy but instead largely duplicate existing organizations. Furthermore, they propose concepts that are not viable because member states do not agree on a common defense policy. In addition, they fail to offer answers adequate to today's challenges, which are not primarily military in nature. Instead, a socioeconomic security policy appears to be a more realistic option. It is necessary because no other organization provides it sufficiently; it is viable because member states could agree on iti and it is adequate because the stabilization of countries in Eastern Europe is best achieved by social and economic policy-and not by military deterrence.

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Ukraine is struggling with both external aggression and the dramatically poor shape of its economy. The pace of political and institutional change has so far been too slow to prevent the deepening of the fiscal and balance-of-payments crises, while business confidence continues to be undermined. • Unfortunately, the 2015 International Monetary Fund Extended Fund Facility programme repeats many weaknesses of the 2014 IMF Stand-by Arrangement: slow pace of fiscal adjustment especially in the two key areas of energy prices and pension entitlements, lack of a comprehensive structural and institutional reform vision, and insufficient external financing to close the expected balance-of-payments gap and allow Ukraine to return to debt sustainability in the long term. • The reform process in Ukraine must be accelerated and better managed. A frontloaded fiscal adjustment is necessary to stabilise public finances and the balance-of-payments, and to bring inflation down. The international community, especially the European Union, should offer sufficient financial aid backed by strong conditionality, technical assistance and support to Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity.

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A China whose economy is growing at a slower pace is something the world can cope with. But a China with doubts about whether the government can maintain control and implement reform – that would be a serious problem. The signals currently coming from the economic and political spheres are cause for concern. China is in danger of falling into a downward spiral of declining confidence. What are the consequences for Germany?