924 resultados para Individualism-social cohesion
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Esta pesquisa procurou descrever, analisar e comparar as cerimônias mortuárias e as representações coletivas de católicos brasileiros da morte e do luto. Tivemos por objetivo estudar os sistemas simbólicos desenvolvidos em várias sociedades, começando com as culturas tribais, passando depois para o cristianismo dos primeiros séculos, antes da instauração do processo de institucionalização que originou o cristianismo católico e durante ele. Analisamos as práticas e representações católicas relacionadas com a morte e o morrer, na Idade Média, Idade Moderna e Contemporânea, tanto na Europa como no Brasil. O objetivo também foi apresentar os ritos mortuários como formas de dar sentido à vida, de reforçar e manter a coesão social, em que indivíduos vivem constantemente os desarranjos gerados pela presença da morte que arrebata um dos seus semelhantes provocando um desequilíbrio social. Ao realizar tal pesquisa sobre os rituais mortuários católicos, a meta consistiu em avançar um pouco mais no conhecimento sobre um fenômeno social religioso nem sempre abordado pelos pesquisadores: a morte do crente, as práticas mortuárias dos grupos católicos, seus hábitos e discurso quanto ao morto, dentro de um cenário brasileiro que se torna cada vez mais urbano e secularizado.(AU)
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Esta pesquisa procurou descrever, analisar e comparar as cerimônias mortuárias e as representações coletivas de católicos brasileiros da morte e do luto. Tivemos por objetivo estudar os sistemas simbólicos desenvolvidos em várias sociedades, começando com as culturas tribais, passando depois para o cristianismo dos primeiros séculos, antes da instauração do processo de institucionalização que originou o cristianismo católico e durante ele. Analisamos as práticas e representações católicas relacionadas com a morte e o morrer, na Idade Média, Idade Moderna e Contemporânea, tanto na Europa como no Brasil. O objetivo também foi apresentar os ritos mortuários como formas de dar sentido à vida, de reforçar e manter a coesão social, em que indivíduos vivem constantemente os desarranjos gerados pela presença da morte que arrebata um dos seus semelhantes provocando um desequilíbrio social. Ao realizar tal pesquisa sobre os rituais mortuários católicos, a meta consistiu em avançar um pouco mais no conhecimento sobre um fenômeno social religioso nem sempre abordado pelos pesquisadores: a morte do crente, as práticas mortuárias dos grupos católicos, seus hábitos e discurso quanto ao morto, dentro de um cenário brasileiro que se torna cada vez mais urbano e secularizado.(AU)
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Capitalism, like the universe, expands; it is foreseen as without limit and historically presented as if from the outside while paradoxically, unlike the universe, capitalism is an historical and contingent emergence. Many have suggested that its naturalization now leave it easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism. In consumer capitalism, subjectivity has become a commodity. Thus it is possible to say that consumer society is characterized by a "fetish of subjectivity", in which individualization (as lifestyle) and malaise (as symptom) are combined. The fetish of subjectivity may be one of the most important historical achievements of the relationship between capitalism and subjectivity, promoting highly individualized and intensive rules and requiring a consciousness in terms of the consumer society, a success-oriented life, competition and almost total autonomy in achieving the only goals and objectives culturally defined as legitimate and valid, experienced as decisions taken by each individual. Today’s individualization is is individualistic by nature, and it tends to weaken traditional forms of social ties and to strain social cohesion. Sociology is constituted as a discipline which has studied the problematic relationship between modernity and capitalism, which in turn has also been problematic for sociology itself. Especially the associated processes of modernization have favored the emergence of society as a distinctive phenomenon, of the individual and social action, and of subjectivity, a recurring dimension although not always explicit in its problematic. The nation-state has been a historic, formal and spatial expression of dimensions that express the historical relationship between modernity and capitalism...
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Since Puntam's seminal work on declining levels of social capital, the question of how social trust is formed has reached unprecedented heights of critical enquiry. While most of the current research concentrates on ethnic diversity and income inequality as the main influences driving down generalized trust, we focus on opinion polarization as another potential impact factor on trust. In more detail, we investigate the extent to which polarization over morally charged issues such as homsexuality, abortion and euthanasia affects individuals' likelihood to trust others. We hypothesize that moral issues have a natural tendency to divide societies' opinions into opposing poles and, thus, to challenge social cohesion in modern civil societies. Based on hierarchical analyses of the fifth wave of the World Values Survey (WVS) — comprising a sample of 39 countries — our results reveal that individuals living in countries characterized by more opinion polarization tend to have less trust in other people.
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Esta pesquisa faz uma análise do Campo Missionário Congoangolano da Assembleia de Deus, localizado no bairro de Brás de Pina - Zona norte da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Procura identificar a função desta comunidade religiosa para os imigrantes congoleses e angolanos que a ela pertencem. Desse modo, visa refletir sobre a formação de um espaço territorial religioso consolidado por elementos da religiosidade africana e do pentecostalismo assembleiano e sua imbricada associação com a formação de redes de apoio e de coesão social em torno da manutenção e sustentação de um espaço identitário. Esse espaço é marcado por elementos que expressam símbolos e signos dos países de origem de seus integrantes - Congo e Angola - ao utilizarem a liturgia africana em seus cultos. A pesquisa leva em consideração as demandas que norteiam o processo migratório, as leis que regem esses imigrantes e o quanto tal processo contribui para práticas associativas que envolvem fatores inerentes a inserção e integração sociocultural e econômica no interior do campo missionário.
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Esta pesquisa procurou descrever, analisar e comparar as cerimônias mortuárias e as representações coletivas de católicos brasileiros da morte e do luto. Tivemos por objetivo estudar os sistemas simbólicos desenvolvidos em várias sociedades, começando com as culturas tribais, passando depois para o cristianismo dos primeiros séculos, antes da instauração do processo de institucionalização que originou o cristianismo católico e durante ele. Analisamos as práticas e representações católicas relacionadas com a morte e o morrer, na Idade Média, Idade Moderna e Contemporânea, tanto na Europa como no Brasil. O objetivo também foi apresentar os ritos mortuários como formas de dar sentido à vida, de reforçar e manter a coesão social, em que indivíduos vivem constantemente os desarranjos gerados pela presença da morte que arrebata um dos seus semelhantes provocando um desequilíbrio social. Ao realizar tal pesquisa sobre os rituais mortuários católicos, a meta consistiu em avançar um pouco mais no conhecimento sobre um fenômeno social religioso nem sempre abordado pelos pesquisadores: a morte do crente, as práticas mortuárias dos grupos católicos, seus hábitos e discurso quanto ao morto, dentro de um cenário brasileiro que se torna cada vez mais urbano e secularizado.(AU)
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At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.
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Mainstream gentrification research predominantly examines experiences and motivations of the middle-class gentrifier groups, while overlooking experiences of non-gentrifying groups including the impact of in situ local processes on gentrification itself. In this paper, I discuss gentrification, neighbourhood belonging and spatial distribution of class in Istanbul by examining patterns of belonging both of gentrifiers and non-gentrifying groups in historic neighbourhoods of the Golden Horn/Halic. I use multiple correspondence analysis (MCA), a methodology rarely used in gentrification research, to explore social and symbolic borders between these two groups. I show how gentrification leads to spatial clustering by creating exclusionary practices and eroding social cohesion, and illuminate divisions that are inscribed into the physical space of the neighbourhood.
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With the growing environmental crisis affecting our globe, ideas to weigh economic or social progress by the ‘energy input’ necessary to achieve it are increasingly gaining acceptance. This question is intriguing and is being dealt with by a growing number of studies, focusing on the environmental price of human progress. Even more intriguing, however, is the question of which factors of social organization contribute to a responsible use of the resources of our planet to achieve a given social result (‘smart development’). In this essay, we present the first systematic study on how migration – or rather, more concretely, received worker remittances per GDP – helps the nations of our globe to enjoy social and economic progress at a relatively small environmental price. We look at the effects of migration on the balance sheets of societal accounting, based on the ‘ecological price’ of the combined performance of democracy, economic growth, gender equality, human development, research and development, and social cohesion. Feminism in power, economic freedom, population density, the UNDP education index as well as the receipt of worker remittances all significantly contribute towards a ‘smart overall development’, while high military expenditures and a high world economic openness are a bottleneck for ‘smart overall development’.
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Ten years after the unanimous approval of the Lisbon Strategy at a special meeting of the European Council on 23-24 March 2000 in Lisbon, it will be inevitable for the European Council, the European Commission and the majority of the EU member states to face with its fi asco and to account for the reasons of their fundamental policy, governance and economic failures in 2010. The recent turbulence of the global economy offers some excuses for the underperformance of the main objectives of the Lisbon Strategy in the essential social and economic domains, like job creation, economic growth, and environmental sustainability. Negative growth rates, macroeconomic and fi nancial instability, the contraction of the internal and external markets of the European economy, drop in demand for capital investment, goods and services, sinking corporate revenues, depreciation of corporate assets, increasing private and public indebtedness, falling rate of employment, weakening social cohesion, widening social inequality, and so forth not only deprive the majority of the EU member states of fulfi lling the main objectives of the Lisbon Strategy but also drive them into worse social and economic conditions in many policy domains than they were in 2000.
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Four-hundred twenty-seven firefighter/paramedics and firefighter/emergency medical technicians completed questionnaires regarding past and current turnover decisions. The employees, who work in teams of either three or four, have a collective bargaining benefit that allows them to "bid for" (request) new positions/teams every six months; positions are awarded on the basis of seniority. Because employees are leaving neither the organization nor their job, the "bid" process creates intra-organizational turnover on a regular basis. It was hypothesized that those individuals higher in teamwork/social cohesion expectations, higher in interpersonal orientation, and lower in conflict tolerance would report placing greater importance on interpersonal reasons (teamwork/social cohesion) in past bid/assignment decisions. Creation of a conflict tolerance scale was the goal of a preliminary study. It was further hypothesized that current bid/assignment satisfaction would predict the current turnover decision (during the cycle in which the study was conducted), and that past individual turnover frequency would also predict current turnover. All hypotheses were supported. ^
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Peer reviewed
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Peer reviewed
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Social structure is a key determinant of population biology and is central to the way animals exploit their environment. The risk of predation is often invoked as an important factor influencing the evolution of social structure in cetaceans and other mammals, but little direct information is available about how cetaceans actually respond to predators or other perceived threats. The playback of sounds to an animal is a powerful tool for assessing behavioral responses to predators, but quantifying behavioral responses to playback experiments requires baseline knowledge of normal behavioral patterns and variation. The central goal of my dissertation is to describe baseline foraging behavior for the western Atlantic short-finnned pilot whales (Globicephala macrohynchus) and examine the role of social organization in their response to predators. To accomplish this I used multi-sensor digital acoustic tags (DTAGs), satellite-linked time-depth recorders (SLTDR), and playback experiments to study foraging behavior and behavioral response to predators in pilot whales. Fine scale foraging strategies and population level patterns were identified by estimating the body size and examining the location and movement around feeding events using data collected with DTAGs deployed on 40 pilot whales in summers of 2008-2014 off the coast of Cape Hatteras, North Carolina. Pilot whales were found to forage throughout the water column and performed feeding buzzes at depths ranging from 29-1176 meters. The results indicated potential habitat segregation in foraging depth in short-finned pilot whales with larger individuals foraging on average at deeper depths. Calculated aerobic dive limit for large adult males was approximately 6 minutes longer than that of females and likely facilitated the difference in foraging depth. Furthermore, the buzz frequency and speed around feeding attempts indicate this population pilot whales are likely targeting multiple small prey items. Using these results, I built decision trees to inform foraging dive classification in coarse, long-term dive data collected with SLTDRs deployed on 6 pilot whales in the summers of 2014 and 2015 in the same area off the coast of North Carolina. I used these long term foraging records to compare diurnal foraging rates and depths, as well as classify bouts with a maximum likelihood method, and evaluate behavioral aerobic dive limits (ADLB) through examination of dive durations and inter-dive intervals. Dive duration was the best predictor of foraging, with dives >400.6 seconds classified as foraging, and a 96% classification accuracy. There were no diurnal patterns in foraging depth or rates and average duration of bouts was 2.94 hours with maximum bout durations lasting up to 14 hours. The results indicated that pilot whales forage in relatively long bouts and the ADLB indicate that pilot whales rarely, if ever exceed their aerobic limits. To evaluate the response to predators I used controlled playback experiments to examine the behavioral responses of 10 of the tagged short-finned pilot whales off Cape Hatteras, North Carolina and 4 Risso’s dolphins (Grampus griseus) off Southern California to the calls of mammal-eating killer whales (MEK). Both species responded to a subset of MEK calls with increased movement, swim speed and increased cohesion of the focal groups, but the two species exhibited different directional movement and vocal responses. Pilot whales increased their call rate and approached the sound source, but Risso’s dolphins exhibited no change in their vocal behavior and moved in a rapid, directed manner away from the source. Thus, at least to a sub-set of mammal-eating killer whale calls, these two study species reacted in a manner that is consistent with their patterns of social organization. Pilot whales, which live in relatively permanent groups bound by strong social bonds, responded in a manner that built on their high levels of social cohesion. In contrast, Risso’s dolphins exhibited an exaggerated flight response and moved rapidly away from the sound source. The fact that both species responded strongly to a select number of MEK calls, suggests that structural features of signals play critical contextual roles in the probability of response to potential threats in odontocete cetaceans.
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China is today facing rapid economic development and the long-term implications of China’s rise for European economy, society and culture, are constantly debated but still almost unknown. Moreover, only recently a new volume edited by Kunzmann has clearly pointed out a particular field of research like the EU spatial impact of China’s convergence in the global market. The aim of the present paper is to deal with the spatial issues related to the growing Chinese communities, especially in Italy, that are part of a more general and considerable transformation process of the traditional Chinese enclaves in EU cities: from recognizable “Chinatowns” to new hybrid urban formations where housing, retail, wholesale and even commodity production often tend to match. Key-Concepts like rise, fragmentation, infringement and fear are useful in analysing some of the more controversial socio-economic dynamics of Chinese clusters especially in a traditionally manufactured-based country like Italy, where it’s recognizable a unique paradox of a “double competition” from outside and from inside. This statement poses a serious threat to local economic systems in terms of sustainability and social cohesion, making it necessary to rethink the role and the nature of public action in facing new forms of marginality at urban and regional level.