820 resultados para India -- foreign relations
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El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.
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El presente estudio de caso busca examinar la incidencia de las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo implementadas por el Frontex y el gobierno Italiano en las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia de los migrantes irregulares, económicos y solicitantes de asilo en la Isla de Lampedusa, en el periodo 2011-2015. De esta manera, se identifican las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo implementadas por Frontex y el gobierno Italiano. Se examina la situación de la seguridad humana en la crisis migratoria de la Isla, y se analiza la relación entre las medidas migratorias de control fronterizo y las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia de los migrantes. El resultado de la investigación permite plasmar, las consecuencias negativas que han tenido las medidas migratorias en cuanto a las condiciones mínimas de supervivencia, lo que ha desembocado en una crisis humanitaria.
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Includes Bibliography
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Myanmar highly appreciates foreign direct investment (FDI) as a key solution reducing the development gap with leading ASEAN countries. Accordingly, it is welcomed by the government. Myanmar's Foreign Investment Law was enacted in 1988 soon after the adoption of a market-oriented economic system to boost the flow of FDI into the country. Foreign investors positively responded to these measures in the early years and FDI inflow into Myanmar gradually increased during the period from 1989 to 1996. However, after 1997, FDI inflow was dramatically reduced and markedly declined until 2004. In 2005, FDI inflow increased at an unprecedented rate and reached the highest level in the country's history. However, this growth was not sustainable in the subsequent years, as it declined again and turned stagnant at the previous level. In terms of source regions, ASEAN is a major investor in Myanmar, which investment is significantly exceeds the combined investment of other regions of the world. Among top ten countries, Thailand's investment alone is significantly more than combined total investments of the other nine countries. Next to Thailand in terms of investments in Myanmar are Singapore and Malaysia among ASEAN, at second and third places, respectively. The combined total FDI inflows into the power and oil and gas sector represent about 65 percent of the total investment. There are many opportunities for foreign investment in other sectors, which are not, yet exploited. ASEAN countries will certainly be source countries of Myanmar FDI in the future, and Myanmar should expand to other Asian countries like Japan, India, China, Korea, and Hong Kong where its FDI portfolio is concerned. To effectively attract FDI into the country, Myanmar needs to minimize the effect of policy while opening and encouraging other potential sectors of FDI to foreign investors in ASEAN and Asian countries.
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Copied from papers reserved at the India office.
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This study explores labour relations between domestic workers and employers in India. It is based on interviews with both employers and workers, and ethnographically oriented field work in Jaipur, carried out in 2004-2007. Combining development studies with gender studies, labour studies, and childhood studies, it asks how labour relations between domestic workers and employers are formed in Jaipur, and how female domestic workers trajectories are created. Focusing on female part-time maids and live-in work arrangements, the study analyses children s work in the context of overall work force, not in isolation from it. Drawing on feminist Marxism, domestic labour relations are seen as an arena of struggle. The study takes an empirical approach, showing class through empiria and shows how paid domestic work is structured and stratified through intersecting hierarchies of class, caste, gender, age, ethnicity and religion. The importance of class in domestic labour relations is reiterated, but that of caste, so often downplayed by employers, is also emphasized. Domestic workers are crucial to the functioning of middle and upper middle class households, but their function is not just utilitarian. Through them working women and housewives are able to maintain purity and reproduce class disctinctions, both between poor and middle classes and lower and upper middle classes. Despite commodification of work relations, traditional elements of service relationships have been retained, particularly through maternalist practices such as gift giving, creating a peculiar blend of traditional and market practices. Whilst employers of part-time workers purchase services in a segmented market from a range of workers for specific, traditional live-in workers are also hired to serve employers round the clock. Employers and workers grudgingly acknowledged their dependence on one another, employers seeking various strategies to manage fear of servant crime, such as the hiring of children or not employing live-in workers in dual-earning households. Paid domestic work carries a heavy stigma and provide no entry to other jobs. It is transmitted from mothers to daughters and working girls were often the main income providers in their families. The diversity of working conditions is analysed through a continuum of vulnerability, generic live-in workers, particularly children and unmarried young women with no close family in Jaipur, being the most vulnerable and experienced part-time workers the least vulnerable. Whilst terms of employment are negotiated informally and individually, some informal standards regarding salary and days off existed for maids. However, employers maintain that workings conditions are a matter of individual, moral choice. Their reluctance to view their role as that of employers and the workers as their employees is one of the main stumbling blocks in the way of improved working conditions. Key words: paid domestic work, India, children s work, class, caste, gender, life course
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India's export earnings from fishery products have touched an all-time record of Rs. 33.07 crores in 1969. The most important items which have contributed to this are processed prawn products, frozen lobster tails and frozen frog legs. Even though frogs are not of marine origin, they are processed and exported along with marine products so that for all practical purposes they are reckoned as seafood. Naturally, it is sure to be of absorbing interest to the processors and technological research workers as well as to the general public to know how many varieties/species of these occur in our country and also the localities where they are available. The following is an exhaustive list of the different species of prawns, lobsters and frogs that are found in our country, together with vernacular names wherever available, parts of India where they occur and the largest size (length) to which they grow. The figures in brackets on the left side show the progressive total. The different genera have been arranged in the order of their commercial importance and not according to any scientific principles.
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http://www.archive.org/details/75yearsmadurami00chanuoft
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The Meese-Rogoff forecasting puzzle states that foreign exchange (FX) rates are unpredictable. Since one country’s macroeconomic conditions could affect the price of its national currency, we study the dynamic relations between the FX rates and some macroeconomic accounts. Our research tests whether the predictability of the FX rates could be improved through the advanced econometrics. Improving the predictability of the FX rates has important implications for various groups including investors, business entities and the government. The present thesis examines the dynamic relations between the FX rates, savings and investments for a sample of 25 countries from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. We apply quarterly data of FX rates, macroeconomic indices and accounts including the savings and the investments over three decades. Through preliminary Augmented Dickey-Fuller unit root tests and Johansen cointegration tests, we found that the savings rate and the investment rate are cointegrated with the vector (1,-1). This result is consistent with many previous studies on the savings-investment relations and therefore confirms the validity of the Feldstein-Horioka puzzle. Because of the special cointegrating relation between the savings rate and investment rate, we introduce the savings-investment rate differential (SID). Investigating each country through a vector autoregression (VAR) model, we observe extremely insignificant coefficient estimates of the historical SIDs upon the present FX rates. We also report similar findings through the panel VAR approach. We thus conclude that the historical SIDs are useless in forecasting the FX rate. Nonetheless, the coefficients of the past FX rates upon the current SIDs for both the country-specific and the panel VAR models are statistically significant. Therefore, we conclude that the historical FX rates can conversely predict the SID to some degree. Specifically, depreciation in the domestic currency would cause the increase in the SID.
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India, China y Pakistán hacen parte de un subsistema estratégico de seguridad. Los constantes e históricos roces fronterizos, la falta de diálogo político entre las unidades y la creciente carrera armamentista, son factores detonantes de la crisis que enfrentan estos Estados, lo que no les ha permitido una verdadera integración a pesar de los considerables esfuerzos diplomáticos, políticos y económicos. India por su parte, ha buscado incrementar su poder en el Sur de Asia como un actor influyente y dinamizador de las relaciones bilaterales con respecto a su zona geográfica de influencia principalmente en la década de los noventa, pero ha enfrentado históricos roces en zonas fronterizas que se encuentran sin resolver, adicional a ello la nación se ha enfrentado a un fenómeno que mitiga su capacidad de acción y ejecución que es el terrorismo y la insurgencia en la región. Todo lo anterior es analizado bajo la Teoría del Realismo Ofensivo de John J. Mearsheimer
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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar en qué medida la estrategia de liderazgo regional de la India ha sido impulsada a través de los programas y proyectos de cooperación sur-sur ofrecidos por este país en el periodo de 2003-2012. De igual forma se pretende indagar sobre el papel histórico que ha jugado la India en el establecimiento y posterior evolución de esta nueva forma de cooperación que ha sido vista por la mayoría de los académicos como un complemento de la cooperación norte-sur, y que responde a una serie de intereses particulares. En este caso en particular, la cooperación sur-sur ha sido utilizada por India como una herramienta para incrementar sus capacidades de poder que le permitan consolidarse como líder regional.
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El artículo trata sobre diferentes visiones de la política exterior brasilera. Primero introduce las principales directivas de la política exterior: desarrollo económico y social, así como delimitación limítrofe con los países de América del Sur. La segunda establece la situación de las relaciones de Brasil luego de la guerra fría, con algunos países y regiones en el mundo: Estados Unidos, Unión Europea, América Latina, China, África, India y otras regiones. Finalmente se refiere a los intereses nacionales brasileros en las Naciones Unidas en campos como energía, medio ambiente y defensa.