488 resultados para INTELLECTUALS


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Ms. Net wanted to find out if there was what she terms a "collective identity of the intelligentsia" of Romania and France between 1945 and 1989. She conducted her research on a corpus of memoirs from both cultures, and in the process, uncovered some fundamental differences, which she presented in the form of a 178 page manuscript in English, and also on disc. One of the most basic appears to be that French memorialists rarely deal with social, historical and political changes and events. Ms. Net regards these writers as shutting their eyes to reality, and attempting to preserve the past. They are interested in their personal history, and in the genesis of their own works. According to Ms. Net, this tendency is so marked that she doubts whether 20th century French writers share the dominant mentalities of their times. In her opinion all this points to the fact that the French intelligentsia are "trying hard to preserve their cultural hegemony" a task which she maintains has always been an essential aspect of the identity of the French intellectual. In Romania, of course, the situation was very different. To take an example: many Romanian memoirs speak about the campaigns to improve the lot of women, while at the same time recognising and analysing the way that this was simply a "cover" for promoting the most incompetent people, men and women alike. They also express frustration at the way access to information was blocked due to the media being government controlled. Ms. Net concludes, eventually, that, in general, intellectuals, more than any other group in society, ensure the continuity of the dominant mentalities in a given cultural space. Consequently, she feels, we must revise the idea - or myth as she calls it - that intellectuals represent the avant-garde in a given society. Specifically, she concludes that petty bourgeois, patriarchal and elitist mentalities are still prevalent in France. The truth is, she reflects, that intellectuals are always true to their nature, no mater when and where they are living.

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In a recent policy document of the organized employers in the care and welfare sector in The Netherlands (the MO Group), directors and board members of care and welfare institutions present themselves as "social entrepreneurs", managing their institutions as look-a like commercial companies. They are hardly criticized and there is not any countervailing power of significance. The workers are focusing on their own specialized professional fields and divided as a whole. Many government officials are in favour or do not bother. The relatively small number of intellectual workers in Dutch care and welfare are fragmented and pragmatic. From a democratic point of view this is a worrying situation. From a professional point of view the purpose and functions of professional care and welfare work are at stake. The penetration of market mechanisms and the take-over by commercially orientated managers result from unquestioned adaptation of Anglo-Saxon policy in The Netherlands in the 1990's, following the crisis of the Welfare State in the late 1980's. The polder country is now confronted fully with the pressure and negative effects of unbalanced powers in the institutions, i.e. Managerialism. After years of silence, the two principal authentic critics of Dutch care and welfare, Harry Kunneman and Andries Baart, are no longer voices crying in the wilderness, but are getting a response from a growing number of worried workers and intellectuals. Kunneman and Baart warn against the restriction of professional space and the loss of normative values and standards in the profession. They are right. It is high time to make room for criticism and to start a debate about the future of the social professions in The Netherlands, better: in Europe. Research, discussion and action have to prove how worrying the everyday situation of professional workers is, what goals have to be set and what strategy to be chosen.

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I am flattered and privileged to have received four such astute critiques of my work from an international cast. I will reflect at length about many of their points in future work but to respond fully would require a very long article and so I will highlight some of the more salient issues. The authors share misgivings about my commitment to a realist version of governmentality theory so I will try to articulate a bit more clearly how it is different from two major alternative perspectives highlighted by the authors: what I term a `discursive` governmentality perspective (Stenson 2005), and the neo-Marxist regulationist school of political economy. However, deeper normative questions are raised, for example by Wendy Larner, about what it means to be progressive or critical within the broad terrain of liberalism (which can include neo-liberals and neo-conservatives) in the wake of the collapse of communism and much of the power of western labour movements, the rise of the new emancipatory and environmental social movements and varieties of religious fundamentalism. As social scientists and university intellectuals we usually argue that our work differs from journalistic reportage or ideological polemics that gather supportive evidence through selective fact gathering. This is because we dig beneath the flux of events and surface appearances and debates to uncover the deeper structures of thought and social relations that shape our experiences and the flow of events. And we also engage with contrary evidence that troubles our truth claims. This is the work of theory. I accept that theory plays a vital role but argue for a more grounded approach rooted in empirical research using a variety of methods and data sources. Hence I adopt a more cautious approach to conceptions of the `deeper structures` we uncover. At best we can only know them through provisional heuristic modelling and it is best not to reify them.

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In many schools of architecture the 1970s have been an important watershed for the way in which architecture was taught. For example, recent studies have stressed the importance of Aldo Rossi for the changes in the teaching of architec-ture at the ETH in Zürich that before was based on orthodox modern principles. A similar struggle between an orthodox conception of modernity and its criticism took place at the architectural faculty of Delft, in the Netherlands. Although Delft is an important European school of architecture, the theoretical work produced during this period is not largely known outside the Netherlands. This is perhaps due to the fact that most studies were published in Dutch. With this article, I intend to make the architectural theory developed during this period known to a larger public. The article describes the intellectual journey made by Dutch stu-dents of architecture in the 1970s and 1980s. This was the quest to receive recognition for the intellectual substance of architecture: the insight architecture could be a discourse and a form of knowledge and not only a method of building. Specifically, the work of the architectural theoretician Wim Nijenhuis is highlight-ed. However, as I point out in this article, the results of this journey also had its problematic sides. This becomes clear from the following sentence taken from the dissertation of Wim Nijenhuis: "The search for metaphysical fiction and the tendency towards a technological informed absolute through fully transparent and simultaneous information, should be contested by a fantasy dimension, that does not wish to 'overcome' a given situation and that does not rely on 'creativi-ty' (that would still be historical and humanistic)." Texts like this have a hermet-ic quality that is not easy to comprehend for an architectural public. Even more, there is an important debate looming behind these sentences. As an important outcome of their quest the architectural students in Delft asked themselves: how do we give form to architectural theory once its claim to truth is exposed as an illusion? For Nijenhuis, the discourse about architecture is a mere 'artful game with words': a fiction, besides other forms of fiction like poetry or literature. The question is then if we have not entered the realm of total subjectivity and relativ-ism with this position. From what can the discourse of architecture derive its authority after the death of God?

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How did Islam survive in the Soviet Union, and how did it develop since 1991? In four case studies and four longitudinal surveys, senior specialists from the area and two German junior scholars discuss the transformations of Islam in Tatarstan, Azerbaijan, Daghestan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Several chapters analyze the Bolsheviks’ attack on Islam since the 1920s. Altay Göyüşov and Il’nur Minnullin demonstrate how the Soviets first attempted to draw some groups of Muslim scholars and intellectuals to their side, in Azerbaijan and Tatarstan, respectively. In the early 1930s collectivization and outright state terror made a complete end to the Islamic infrastructure, including mosques and pious foundations, Muslim village courts (as shown by Vladimir Bobrovnikov for Dagestan), Islamic educational institutions (as documented by Aširbek Muminov for Uzbekistan), as well as the Muslim press (analyzed by Dilyara Usmanova for Tatarstan); also Sufi brotherhoods became a main target of violent repression (Šamil‘ Šixaliev, for Dagestan). Repression was followed by the establishment of a modus vivendi between state and religion in the post-war period (Muminov, Bobrovnikov, Šixaliev), and by the instrumentalization of religion for patriotic purposes in the post-Soviet Caucasus and Central Asia (Christine Hunner-Kreisel, Manja Stephan, both based on fieldwork). By the early 2000s Islam was almost everywhere back under full state control; the leading role of the state for defining „good“ and „bad“ Islam is largely taken for granted. While similar forms of state pressure in all regions thus allow us to draw an overall picture of how Islamic traditions were repressed and reanimated, the „archival revolution“ of the early 1990s provides fascinating insights into the specific developments in the individual regions, and into the adaptation strategies of the Muslim scholars and intellectuals on the spot. Still, the Soviet heritage is still very palpable; also the attempts to leapfrog the Soviet period and to link up again with the individual local Islamic traditions from before 1917, and even the negation of the Soviet experience in the form of embracing Islamic trends from abroad, are often still couched in largely Soviet mental frameworks.

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In October 1930, violent action of the Polish security forces against the Ukrainian population in Eastern Galicia resulted in an international campaign for the Ukrainians in Poland. Its central claim was the condemnation of these incidents as a violation of the Minorities Treaty of the League of Nations. The article focuses on the involved British extra-parliamentary groups and their international federations as well as leftist intellectuals, socialist parties and the Labour and Socialist International. In most cases, the commitment of the activists was motivated by the desire to expose a humanitarian scandal while the implementation of minority rights played a minor role. When it turned out that the first reports had presented an exaggerated version of the events, they shifted their focus to the Polish opposition whose persecution started in November 1930.

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The paper is a comparative inquiry into the roles of Ilia Chavchavadze (1837-1907) and Taras Shevchenko (1818-1861) as national poets and anti-colonial (anti-Tsarist) intellectuals within the context of their respective national traditions (Georgia and Ukraine). During the period of their activity (19th and the beginning of 20th century) both Ukraine and Georgia were under Tsarist imperial rule, albeit the two poets lived in different periods of Russian empire history. Through their major works, each called on their communities to ‘awaken’ and ‘revolt’ against oppression, rejected social apathy caused by Tsarist subjugation and raised awareness about the historical past of their nations. The non-acceptance of present and belief in an independent future was one of the dominant themes in the poetry and prose of both. Their contemporary importance is illustrated in political discourse both after Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004), and Rose Revolution in Georgia (2003) where both poets are referred “as founding fathers of national ideology”, the history textbooks alluding to them as “symbols of anti-colonial resistance”. To this day, however, there has been surprisingly little academic writing in the West endeavoring to compare the works and activities of the two poets and their impact on national mobilization in Tsarist Ukraine and Georgia, even though their countries are often mentioned in a same breath by commentators on contemporary culture and politics. The paper attempts to fill this gap and tries to understand the relationship between literature and social mobilization in 19th century Russian Empire. By reflecting on Taras Shevchenko’s and Ilia Chavchavadze’s poetry, prose and social activism, I will try to explain how in different periods of Russian imperial history, the two poets helped to develop a modern form of political belonging among their compatriots and stimulated an anti-colonial mobilization with different political outcomes. To theorize on the role of poets and novelists in anti-colonial national movement, I will reflect on the writings of Benedict Anderson (1991), John Hutchinson (1994; 1999), Rory Finnin (2005; 2011) and problematize Miroslav Hroch’s (1996) three phase model of the development of national movements. Overall, the paper would aim to show the importance of, what John Hutchinson called, ‘cultural nationalists’ in understanding contemporary nationalist discourse in Georgian and Ukrainian societies.

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Seit der Öffnung des Landes in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bewegte sich Japan rasant auf dem Weg zur industrialisierten Weltmacht. Das dort seit den 1890er Jahren durch Mori Ogai aus Europa ›eingeführte‹ romantische Syndrom jedoch verzauberte insbesondere die jungen Intellektuellen und trieb sie zur Suche nach der japanischen kulturellen Identität an. Ziel war es, nach innen die gesamte Bevölkerung zu integrieren und nach außen das Land vom »Westen« unterscheidbar zu machen – und zwar paradoxerweise im Geist der europäischen Romantik. Takemitsu Morikawa geht diesen bemerkenswerten Entwicklungen auf den Grund und zeichnet die Entstehung und die Kanonisierung des vermeintlichen Selbstbildes des modernen Japan nach.

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La violencia en todas sus dimensiones ha ocupado tarde o temprano la pluma de los escritores del Caribe y de América Latina, quienes con estilos disímiles y diversas estrategias discursivas encontraron en la labor literaria la libertad expresiva negada, en la mayoría de los casos, por su contexto social. La relativa distancia temporal de estos acontecimientos no significa que los intelectuales de los ’90 hasta el presente hayan dado una vuelta de página a la historia de tales sucesos cuyas consecuencias aún hoy se advierten y padecen. La literatura de Colombia y de la República Dominicana no son una excepción. Señorita del escritor colombiano Gonzalo España (1996) filtra la violencia de los años cincuenta de su país a través de la memoria de un niño, voz narrativa que actúa como un catalizador positivo del pasado. Mudanza de los sentidos de Ángela Hernández (2001) se distingue por la inocente perspectiva de una niña quien, al relatar el mundo de la tiranía de Rafael Leonidas Trujillo en la República Dominicana, cuenta su propia historia. Los distintos ritmos narrativos, el particular lenguaje y las diversas estrategias literarias permitirán analizar la importancia de elegir una perspectiva infantil para relatar los hechos de la violencia. La ruptura con los tradicionales personajes colectivos de las novelas que ficcionalizan hechos y personajes históricos amplía las posibilidades críticas y reflexivas que la expresión literaria ofrece sobre los hechos sociales y sobre el mismo arte de escribir.

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Recuerdo personal acerca del afecto generado por Gregorio Weinberg. De manera lateral se intenta dar cuenta de la relación entre la literatura de viajes y el estatuto de esa escritura entre los intelectuales del siglo XVIII. Literatura menor que Weinberg se animó a editar.

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En muchos aspectos el pensamiento de José Vasconcelos (1882–1959) sufrió cambios notables durante su vida. Sus ideas sobre el mundo clásico grecorromano y el Oriente también los experimentaron. A diferencia de sus contemporáneos reunidos en el Ateneo de la Juventud, fue crítico del mundo clásico y buscó fuentes de inspiración estética y moral en la India, mostró curiosidad por el Japón y por el Islam. Sus ideas sobre el mestizaje y la "raza cósmica" deben mucho a este interés. Con los años, sin embargo, su creciente conservatismo también influyó en sus ideas sobre el mundo clásico y el Oriente. Este último le fue cada vez más alejado, sobre todo el Islam, objeto de su odio principal. Como ello se daba cuando otros intelectuales enrolados en la izquierda ensayaban un movimiento de simpatía hacia el mundo colonial, contribuyeron a exacerbar la reacción de Vasconcelos.

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El propósito del artículo es brindar un informe bibliográfico preliminar sobre el itinerario de la recepción de Hans Freyer en la Argentina, con el fin de arrojar luz sobre una figura del pensamiento alemán de la primera mitad del siglo XX que tuvo una repercusión soterrada en muchos intelectuales argentinos del periodo. Esa presencia se encuentra en gran parte oculta para la historia de las ideas argentinas, dada su problemática inscripción doctrinaria e ideológica en las políticas de la filosofía y en las políticas de las ciencias sociales.

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Francisco Romero (Sevilla, 1891 – Buenos Aires, 1962) es una de las personalidades más significativas de América Latina. Sus escritos, su labor pedagógica, la difusión de su pensamiento y el intercambio epistolar con figuras de renombre internacional dan muestra de ello. En el trabajo nos detenemos en este último aspecto para comprobar su manifiesta intención de construir una red intelectual de filósofos en América Latina. También están presentes las inquietudes editoriales tanto de Romero, como de sus pares mexicanos. Asimismo hacemos hincapié en el tópico del exilio y la Guerra Civil Española (1936–1939) a través de las cartas que el autor argentino recibió de algunos refugiados en México. El análisis de esta fuente histórica nos permite ver el estado del campo intelectual (preferentemente filosófico) de la región en los años estudiados, al mismo tiempo que indica un panorama valioso del contexto histórico argentino y de América Latina.

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Las redes epistolares pueden brindar una imagen de las redes entre intelectuales de una época determinada. Esto se vincula con el concepto de “colegios invisibles", que son conjuntos de personas que trabajan en campos científicos semejantes y se comunican mutuamente por algún medio informal. Al final de su vida, Romero (1891–1962) se había conectado por cartas con un gran número de intelectuales del mundo. En este trabajo se analizan 1.025 cartas enviadas a Francisco Romero por 302 autores entre 1922 y 1963.

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El trabajo explora ciertos lazos entre el pensamiento kantiano y la propuesta de los intelectuales argentinos durante el período posrevolucionario en lo referido a las herramientas para “salir de la revolución" y construir una nación. Se analizan algunas de las coincidencias entre ambos pensamientos en dos planos: en el de los diagnósticos de la realidad posrevolucionaria y de las dificultades que hay que afrontar para llevarla a buen término y en el de los proyectos diseñados para lograrlo. Se tratan ciertos “tópicos" de la “generación del ‘37" y se destaca su relación (que se reconoce como mediada pero se rescata como genuina y significativa) con el pensamiento kantiano sobre la historia y la política.