833 resultados para Global political power
Resumo:
This paper deals with legal unorthodoxy. The main idea is to study the so-called unorthodox taxes Hungary has adopted in recent years. The study of unorthodox taxes will be preceded by a more general discussion of how law is made under unorthodoxy, and what are the special features of unorthodox legal policy. Unorthodoxy challenges equality before the law and is critical towards mass democracies. It also raises doubts on the operability of the rule of law, relying on personal skills, or loyalty, rather than on impersonal mechanisms arising from checks and balances as developed by the division of political power. Besides, for lack of legal suppositions, legislation suffers from casuistry and regulatory capture.
Resumo:
The brothel, as a ‘symbolic location’ was the object of analysis in this dissertation, ascribable to its unusual and recurrent presence in Latin American narrative. The brothel was presented as a scenario, with polyvalent implications of both the space itself, as well as the different archetypes of the characters who occupy it. ^ Our analysis showed how the brothel functions as a cultural entity, social archetype, power center, mythical place and symbolic space, where man plays out his utmost dominant self. To achieve this, the analysis focused on sifting through the concepts of machismo, economic and political power, and the configuration of the ‘house’ as emblematic elements of Latin American culture. ^ The four novels chosen to underwrite this analysis were representative of the historical time frame, from Colonial times to the present, highlighting all the most distinctive features. These, in turn, led the reader to the inescapable fact that owing to certain characteristics of Latin American culture, the brothel maintains its raison d'être as a space that represents existential situations, and that far from converting itself into an anachronism, it will continue to thrive in the most significant achievements of Latin American prose. ^
Resumo:
The purpose of this dissertation was to study the narrative discourse of three Cuban novelists who produced their works from 1902 to 1933, using a typology that reveals a picaresque view of Cuban society. Focusing on La conjura and La manigua sentimental by Jesús Castellanos (1879–1912), Las honradas and Las impuras by Miguel de Carrión (1875–1929), and Generales y doctores and Juan Criollo by Carlos Loveira (1882–1928), this dissertation identified and defined picaresque traits and elements in the characterization, contrasting main and secondary, male and female characters, at all social levels. ^ The study considered the theories of the Spanish picaresque novel proposed by Antonio Maravall, Américo Castro, Claudio Guillén, Marcel Bataillon, and other critics, in order to delineate a model of traditional picaresque behavior, which was then applied to the analysis of each character. Sociopolitical and cultural conditions, as well as the psychology of the Cuban collective as presented by the authors, were also analyzed to pinpoint similarities and differences between the traditional Golden Age rogue and the characters created by the authors. ^ Critics who have studied the influence of the Spanish picaresque genre on the Latin American novel make no reference to any of the authors or novels included in this study. Key analyses, however, identified the presence of characters that use picaresque modes of behavior as a means to manipulate the structures of power in order to survive and as a futile attempt to achieve their ends within a socioeconomic context that is undergoing a significant transition. Castellanos' characters use their picaresque behavior mainly to attain a higher social status. Carrion concentrates on picaresque behavior in women as a means to manipulate the dominant male society, while Loveira's picaresque characters are mainly interested in securing a position of political power. ^
Resumo:
Diminishing cultural and biological diversity is a current global crisis. Tropical forests and indigenous peoples are adversely affected by social and environmental changes caused by global political and economic systems. The purpose of this thesis was to investigate environmental and livelihood challenges as well as medicinal plant knowledge in a Yagua village in the Peruvian Amazon. Indigenous peoples’ relationships with the environment is an important topic in environmental anthropology, and traditional botanical knowledge is an integral component of ethnobotany. Political ecology provides a useful theoretical perspective for understanding the economic and political dimensions of environmental and social conditions. This research utilized a variety of ethnographic, ethnobotanical, and community-involved methods. Findings include data and analyses about the community’s culture, subsistence and natural resource needs, organizations and institutions, and medicinal plant use. The conclusion discusses the case study in terms of the disciplinary framework and offers suggestions for research and application.
Resumo:
The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chávez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chávez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chávez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910-1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
Resumo:
This work chronicles how queer individuals politicized their same-sex desires from the post-World War II era to the mid-1990s. Using Miami as a site of exploration, this work demonstrates the shift from understanding homosexuality as a same-sex "desire" to a distinct form of "civil rights." It argues that by no means was it inevitable that queer issues entered the American political mainstream. This project pays particular attention to Miami's Cuban exile community, as it managed to garner great socio-political power in the city. Like others in the city's power structure, Miami's Cuban exiles were also fundamentally traditionalists. Together, these phenomena crystallized into a matrix of obstacles that stunted the growth of the gay rights movement. This work demonstrates the historical dynamics of sexuality and politics by contextualizing immigration, ethnicity, race, consumerism, and Cold War domestic and foreign policy.
Resumo:
The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
Resumo:
Diminishing cultural and biological diversity is a current global crisis. Tropical forests and indigenous peoples are adversely affected by social and environmental changes caused by global political and economic systems. The purpose of this thesis was to investigate environmental and livelihood challenges as well as medicinal plant knowledge in a Yagua village in the Peruvian Amazon. Indigenous peoples’ relationships with the environment is an important topic in environmental anthropology, and traditional botanical knowledge is an integral component of ethnobotany. Political ecology provides a useful theoretical perspective for understanding the economic and political dimensions of environmental and social conditions. This research utilized a variety of ethnographic, ethnobotanical, and community-involved methods. Findings include data and analyses about the community’s culture, subsistence and natural resource needs, organizations and institutions, and medicinal plant use. The conclusion discusses the case study in terms of the disciplinary framework and offers suggestions for research and application.
Resumo:
The purpose of this dissertation was to study the narrative discourse of three Cuban novelists who produced their works from 1902 to 1933, using a typology that reveals a picaresque view of Cuban society. Focusing on La conjura and La manigua sentimental by Jesús Castellanos (1879-1912), Las honradas and Las impuras by Miguel de Carrión (1875-1929), and Generales y doctores and Juan Criollo by Carlos Loveira (1882-1928), this dissertation identified and defined picaresque traits and elements in the characterization, contrasting main and secondary, male and female characters, at all social levels. The study considered the theories of the Spanish picaresque novel proposed by Antonio Maravall, Américo Castro, Claudio Guillén, Marcel Bataillon, and other critics, in order to delineate a model of traditional picaresque behavior, which was then applied to the analysis of each character. Sociopolitical and cultural conditions, as well as the psychology of the Cuban collective as presented by the authors, were also analyzed to pinpoint similarities and differences between the traditional Golden Age rogue and the characters created by the authors. Critics who have studied the influence of the Spanish picaresque genre on the Latin American novel make no reference to any of the authors or novels included in this study. Key analyses, however, identified the presence of characters that use picaresque modes of behavior as a means to manipulate the structures of power in order to survive and as a futile attempt to achieve their ends within a socioeconomic context that is undergoing a significant transition. Castellanos’ characters use their picaresque behavior mainly to attain a higher social status. Carrión concentrates on picaresque behavior in women as a means to manipulate the dominant male society, while Loveira’s picaresque characters are mainly interested in securing a position of political power.
Resumo:
This research objective is to analyze the historical aspects of the city ―Capela de Nossa Senhora da Piedade de Campo Formoso‖, located in the micro region Pires do Rio, southeast of Goiás in the period of the First Republic, 1989-1930. To understand a city is to try to understand the individuals who inhabit it, as they are the ones who are responsible for the structures that forms that space. Therefore this thesis brings to the historiography a study of the city of Capela de Nossa Senhora da Piedade de Campo Formoso through various mechanisms as oral sources, official documents of the municipality collected in public bodies of the city made available in town halls, municipal public and archive file of the prefecture. These sources have helped us to make the knowledge of the place approached. The Republic has brought to different places of Brazil expectations and/or solutions, of innovations that modernized in order to erase the marks the old colonial system. The cities to be created would be part of the molds republicans and this way, should follow models ready coming, basically, from European countries. However, the city of the Capela de Nossa Senhora da Piedade de Campo Formoso is outside of this process moderniser, having been relegated by several years to difficulties of a distant region and without resources. The historiography of Goiás summarizes the period of the arrival of the railroad in the southern region of the State, such as a time of progress in all the sectors of the life of this society. Then, to understand the specificity of Campo Formoso, we approached from the documentary sources exist various elements constitutor city history: its political constitution formed by the most affluent of the city, the strength of the colonels, the role of the Church as a political power. These power relations in the region were decisive for the deviation of the railroad. In this way, also we sought to analyze how the process of urbanization has occurred and which represented for the history of the city Capela de Nossa Senhora da Piedade de Campo Formoso the passage of the Railroad Goiás not within its limits. In the meantime we situate the special policies of a city in the interior of Goiás, which is on the edge of a project set up as amodernizer moved by the First Republic.
Resumo:
The issue of this thesis concerns a selection of historical debates in which new Swedish drama is under discussion. The studied debates take place in the cultural and political fields and within the fields of theater and literature and deal with a recurring assumption in Swedish theatre history – that new Swedish drama is insufficient. The primary object of this thesis is to find explanations to: why is the Swedish new drama so often described as defective? The following questions, guiding the analysis, are: How are the crises described? What are the stakes? How has the dramatic text been influenced by being judged either as literary product or a product for the stage? How is the playwright’s role described, and perhaps changed, in the crises? The aim of the analysis is to understand how traditions and conventions are shaping the debates and contribute to perpetrate the myth of the malfunctioning Swedish new play. In a historical perspective several attempts have been made to govern new Swedish drama by legislative and political power. New Swedish drama has, for example, been viewed as a possible expression of the nation, as part of shaping the Swedish Welfare state or creating interactive communication with the audience. Despite its many uses, new Swedish drama continues to be describes as flawed. The study starts with King Gustav III:s Swedish theatre where the purpose was to produce Swedish original plays. The study ends with an analysis of a new government grant for new Swedish drama, which was installed in 1999. The chosen debates are analyzed with the help of concepts borrowed from the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, looking at each historical situation as a possible moment for the establishment of the field ”new Swedish drama”. The survey ends with eight interviews with playwrights, who are active today. The conditions for the new Swedish drama are the guiding line in this thesis. These conditions are found in the cultural, social and historical contexts that cooperate when a taste or convention is being shaped. They are part of the discourses in the field, where criteria for the new Swedish drama is formulated. In order to understand the significance of, for example, the expression, ”the newly written Swedish drama” research has been pursued in biographical material, historical surveys, and debates in the daily press and in professional journals. Without being a full bourdieuan analysis, the thesis is using concepts from Bourdieu. The work of British feminist theatre historian Tracy C Davis inspires the critical historic perspective.
Resumo:
Com a crise financeira que se tem vindo a agudizar, com o agravamento da pobreza e exclusão social, associados a problemas de saúde e à emergência de problemas sociais (como o desemprego e a pobreza) tem assomado uma vaga de iniciativas de movimentos da sociedade civil. São novas formas de organização e resposta a situações específicas de grupos de indivíduos na luta por políticas públicas e direitos sociais tais como o da saúde, da habitação, da educação, do trabalho, entre outras. Nos finais da década de 70, em Portugal, a criação do Serviço Nacional de Saúde intenta o acesso à saúde garantido a todos os cidadãos. Nos anos 80 o Estado limita este direito baseado no princípio da justiça social protegendo os grupos mais desfavorecidos. Institui as taxas moderadoras e define as isenções para alguns doentes crónicos. Perante a desigualdade de direitos que daí advém, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, a partir dos anos 90, surgem movimentos associativos em prol dos direitos de saúde, criados e dinamizados por Assistentes Sociais, nomeadamente as Associações Acreditar em 1993, a Coração Feliz em 1994, a Associação Nacional de Fibrose Quística em 1996 e já no século XXI a Diabéticos Todo o Terreno em 2004 e a Hepaturix em 2006. A Hepaturix – Associação de Crianças e Jovens Transplantados ou com Doenças Hepáticas – fundada já no século XXI e cuja actividade será descrita neste trabalho, tem vindo a lutar pelos direitos sociais desta população, com a colaboração da Assistente Social que, no Hospital Pediátrico de Coimbra, apoia a Unidade de Transplantação Hepática Pediátrica. Entre outros, a isenção das taxas moderadoras para os doentes transplantados e para os dadores vivos assim como o direito aos transportes nas deslocações para o hospital após o transplante, são direitos sociais alcançados pela Hepaturix através da sensibilização do poder político. A Assistente Social tem sido um pilar neste percurso, sendo mediadora entre a instituição e a associação, em prol do direito destas crianças e jovens. / With the financial crisis that has been worsening, with increased poverty and social exclusion associated with health problems and the emergency of social problems (such as unemployment and poverty) there has been a loomed wave of initiatives for movements from the civil society. These are new ways of organization and response to specific situations of groups of individuals in the strike for public policies and social rights such as health, habitation, education, work, among others. In the late 70s, in Portugal, the creation of the National Health Service intents the access to health care guaranteed to all citizens. In the 80s the government limits this right based on the principle of social justice, protecting the most disadvantaged groups. Establishes user fees and defines the exemptions for some chronically ill. Before the inequality of rights resulted from this, there has been a rising of associative movements for health rights, created and dynamized by Social Workers at the Pediatric Hospital of Coimbra, from the 90s on: "Acreditar" in 1993, "Coração Feliz" in 1994, Associação Nacional da Fibrose Quistica" in 1996 and now, in the XXI century: "Diabéticos Todo o Terreno"in 2004 and "Hepaturix" in 2006. The “Hepaturix” - Association of Transplanted Children and Youth or with Hepatic Diseases - founded in the twenty-first century, whose will be discussed in this work, has been fighting for social rights of this population, with the cooperation of the Social Work who, at the Children’s Hospital of Coimbra, supports the Pediatric Hepatic Transplantation Unit. Among others, the exemption of user fees for transplanted patients and living donors as well as the right to transport at dislocations to the hospital after transplant, are social rights accomplished by Hepaturix, through the awareness of political power. The Social Worker has been a pillar in this journey, being a mediator between the institution and the association on behalf of the rights of these children and youth.
Resumo:
Teacher education researchers appear generally not well equipped to maximise a range of dissemination strategies, and remain largely separated from the policy implications of their research. How teacher education researchers address this issue and communicate their research to a wider public audience is more important than ever to consider within a global political discourse where teacher education researchers appear frustrated that their findings should, but do not, make a difference; and where the research they produce is often marginalised. This paper seeks to disrupt the widening gap between teacher education researchers and policy-makers by looking at the issue from ‘both sides’. The paper examines policy–research tensions and the critique of teacher education researchers and then outlines some of the key findings from an Australian policy-maker study. Recommendations are offered as a way for teacher education researchers to begin to mobilise a new set of generative strategies to draw from.
Resumo:
Vivemos um momento de crise, com profundas mudanças globais, a nível político, económico-social e tecnológico, que afetam todos os setores de atividade de forma transversal. A iluminação não está de forma alguma imune a estas alterações. A sobrevivência das empresas requer uma atenção permanente às mudanças do mercado. As formas tradicionais de olhar os mercados e os consumidores, podem tornar-se insuficientes face à rapidez com que as mudanças ocorrem. Algumas metodologias heterodoxas de abordagem ao mercado, como é o caso do coolhunting, começam a ser olhadas de outra forma. Uma das limitações apresentadas na literatura relativamente ao coolhunting é o peso da intuição ou de outras metodologias subjetivas nos resultados obtidos. Numa altura de escassez de recursos, poderá ser problemático para um empresário apostar recursos sem poder contar com números na tomada de decisão, mas apenas em imagens e conceitos. Partindo dos resultados qualitativos de um relatório de coolhunting, este Projeto de Mestrado propõe-se criar e testar uma metodologia que seja capaz de fazer uma análise quantitativa desses resultados de forma que seja possível responder à questão: num determinado mercado que conceitos-chave poderão ter um maior potencial de difusão? Um conjunto de países, de entre os chamados BRIC e os PALOP, foram escolhidos para testar a metodologia. Foi assim possível obter valores em forma de índice comparativo desse potencial de difusão. A metodologia utilizada tem ainda um grande potencial de aperfeiçoamento. Na parte final é apresentada um conjunto de pistas com este objetivo.