943 resultados para Expertise médicale


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We all take on roles, probably several each day. Parent, worker, consumer, spouse, or shortstop, the roles we play are varied and complex. After one's own family, perhaps the roles of consumer and worker are most important to Family Preservation. How do we come to play these roles, and in what ways are they changing, or should they change? Often, neither the worker or family set out to play their roles, but through the twist and turns of life, the opportunity to serve and preserve a family presents itself. At a recent conference, a group of workers spoke of how, rather than having a career goal to do Family Preservation, Family Preservation found them. Many of the families probably say the same thing! In the fields of mental health, developmental disabilities, and adoption, families may seek Family Preservation services; rarely do families involved in juvenile justice, corrections, or child welfare systems look for Family Preservation. Family Preservation finds them. And thus the roles begin.

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Esse artigo examina os significados as lógicas sociais da utilizaçâo de recursos de expertise no ativismo ambientalista. Os procedimientos analíticos concentrarám-se numa história social do sector de protecâo ambiental e na investigaçâo da diversidade de esferas e de redes sociais articuladas ás trajetórias familiares, escolares, militantes e proffisionais dos militantes do Rio Grande do Sul. Os resultados obtidos demonstraram que os significados e a utilizaçâo da expertise no ativismo ambiental, estâo associados a padrôes distintos de reconversâo da formaçâo e do exercício profissional em diferentes esferas de actividade, com base nos vínculos anteriores e/ou simultâneos estabelecidos com redes diversificadas de organizaçôes e “movimentos sociais”.

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Each year, thousands of adolescents are processed through the juvenile justice system -- a system that is complicated, expensive, and inadequately addressing the needs of the youth in its care. While there is extensive literature available in support of interventions for youthful offenders that are clinically superior to current care and more cost-effective than the existing structure, there is a gap between research and practice that is preventing their implementation. The use of Evidence-Based Practice in Psychology (EBPP) as defined by the American Psychological Association is presented as one method to bridge this gap. This paper identifies and discusses each of five barriers to effective use of EBPP: cost, fragmentation of the mental health system, historical and systemic variables, research methodology, and clinician variables. These barriers are first defined and then illustrated using examples from the author's experience working in the juvenile justice field. Finally, recommendations for the field are presented.

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The purpose of the current paper is to present an integrative definition of coaching effectiveness and expertise that is both specific and conceptually grounded in the coaching, teaching, positive psychology, and athletes' development literature. The article is organized into six sections. The first section is used to situate the proposed definition in the predominant conceptual models of coaching. The second, third, and fourth sections provide detailed discussion about each of the three components of the proposed definition of coaching effectiveness: (a) coaches' knowledge, (b) athletes' outcomes, and (c) coaching contexts. The proposed definition is presented in the fifth section along with a clarification of common terminology and guiding postulates. The final section includes implications for practice and research.

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In this study, we assessed whether contextual factors related to where or when an athlete is born influence their likelihood of playing professional sport. The birthplace and birth month of all American players in the National Hockey League, National Basketball Association, Major League Baseball, and Professional Golfer's Association, and all Canadian players in the National Hockey League were collected from official websites. Monte Carlo simulations were used to verify if the birthplace of these professional athletes deviated in any systematic way from the official census population distribution, and chi-square analyses were conducted to determine whether the players' birth months were evenly distributed throughout the year. Results showed a birthplace bias towards smaller cities, with professional athletes being over-represented in cities of less than 500,000 and under-represented in cities of 500,000 and over. A birth month/relative age effect (in the form of a distinct bias towards elite athletes being relatively older than their peers) was found for hockey and baseball but not for basketball and golf. Comparative analyses suggested that contextual factors associated with place of birth contribute more influentially to the achievement of an elite level of sport performance than does relative age and that these factors are essentially independent in their influences on expertise development.

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Superior recall of domain-specific patterns is well established as a defining attribute of expert performers. Recent studies on the developmental histories of expert team ball sport players (e.g. Baker, Côté, & Abernethy, 2003a) also suggest that experts characteristically receive exposure to a wide range of sports in their developing years and that this related sports experience may reduce the amount of sport-specific training needed to become an expert. This study examined whether the facilitation of expertise associated with other sport experience might arise from positive transfer of pattern recall skills from one sport to another. Expert netball, basketball and field hockey players and experienced non-experts performed a recall task for patterns of play derived from each of these sports. Experts from sports different to those shown in the presented pattern consistently outperformed non-experts in their recall of defensive player positions, suggesting some selective transfer of pattern recall skills may indeed be possible

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The theory of deliberate practice (Ericsson, Krampe, & Tesch-Römer, 1993) is predicated on the concept that the engagement in specific forms of practice is necessary for the attainment of expertise. The purpose of this paper was to examine the quantity and type of training performed by expert UE triathletes. Twenty-eight UE triathletes were stratified into expert, middle of the pack, and back of the pack groups based on previous finishing times. All participants provided detailed information regarding their involvement in sports in general and the three triathlon sports in particular. Results illustrated that experts performed more training than non-experts but that the relationship between training and performance was not monotonic as suggested by Ericsson et al. Further, experts' training was designed so periods of high training stress were followed by periods of low stress. However, early specialization was not a requirement for expertise. This work indicates that the theory of deliberate practice does not fully explain expertise development in UE triathlon.

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The purpose of this study was to analyse the developmental pathway of skilled and less skilled volleyball players by focusing on the quantity and type of sporting activities, as well as their age and height in comparison to peers in those experiences. Retrospective interviews were conducted to provide a longitudinal and detailed account of sport involvement of 30 skilled and 30 less skilled volleyball players (15 male and 15 female players per group) throughout different developmental stages (stage 1: 8-12 years; stage 2: 13-16 years; stage 3: 17-20 years). Results indicated that the developmental pathway of these volleyball players (i.e. skilled and less skilled) was characterized by an early diversified sport involvement with a greater participation in sport activities during stages 1 and 2. However, skilled players specialized later in volleyball (between age 14 and 15) and performed more hours of volleyball at stage 3 (from 17 years of age onwards). Also, skilled players (male and female) were younger in both the diversified sport activities and volleyball at the later stages of development (i.e. stages 2 and 3), and skilled female players were taller than peers in those activities in the early stages of development (i.e. stages 1 and 2). The present findings suggest early diversification as a feasible pathway to reach expertise in volleyball and highlight the importance of practicing with older peers once specialization in the main sport has occurred. The findings highlight the need for coaches and sport programs to consider different stimuli existing within the training environment (i.e. characteristics of athletes, such as age and height) that influence the quality of practice and contribute to players’ expertise development.

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This chapter examines the personal and contextual factors of youth sport that affect sport expertise and developmental outcomes. The developmental model of sport participation (DMSP) is used as a comprehensive framework that outlines different pathways of involvement in sport. Activities and contexts that promote continued sport participation and expert performance are discussed as the building blocks of all effective youth sport programs. This chapter provides evidence that performance in sport, participation, and psychological development should be considered as a whole instead of as separate entities by youth sport programmers. Adults in youth sports (i.e. coaches, parents, sport psychologists, administrators) must consider the differing implications of concepts such as deliberate play, deliberate practice, sampling, specialization, and program structure at different stages of an athlete's talent development. Seven postulates are presented regarding important transitions in youth sport and the role that sampling and deliberate play, as opposed to specialization and deliberate practice, can have during the childhood in promoting continued participation and elite performance in sport

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L’acceptabilité d’un décès lors d’une simulation médicale reste débattue mais il existe peu de données sur la perspective des apprenants. Des médecins résidents ont effectué une pratique de code et ont rempli un questionnaire pré et post-simulation. Ils ont été exposés à deux scénarios où un bébé naissait sans signe de vie: 1. Nouveau-né ne répondant pas aux manœuvres de réanimation (DCD); 2. Nouveau-né s’améliorant avec une réanimation adéquate (REA). Les performances étaient évaluées à l’aide de la grille standardisée du Programme de Réanimation Néonatale. Le stress objectif (cortisol salivaire) et subjectif a été mesuré après le code. La rétroaction («feedback»), individuelle et en groupe, fut analysée à l’aide de méthodologies qualitatives. 59/62 apprenants ont répondu au questionnaire et 42 ont participé à la simulation. Tous les résidents trouvent les simulations bénéfiques et souhaitent y être exposés davantage. Le type et l’ordre des scénarios n’ont pas eu d’impact sur la performance. Un seul résident a interrompu les manœuvres de réanimation après 10 minutes d’asystolie, tel que recommandé, et 31% ont poursuivi après 20 minutes. Les participants trouvaient le scénario DCD plus stressant. Les niveaux de cortisol salivaire ont augmenté après les simulations (p<0.001) et ce, pour les deux scénarios. Cette augmentation était indépendante du scénario (p=0.06) et n’était pas associée à la performance. Les réponses à la question « Comment a été votre expérience? », ont permis d’identifier deux thèmes: 1. Le mannequin ne meurt pas en simulation médicale; 2. Le décès lors de la simulation signifie une réanimation inadéquate. Le décès lors d’une pratique de code est stressant, mais n’interfère pas avec la performance des soignants. Les apprenants trouvent cet exercice acceptable et bénéfique à leur pratique future.