Violência sexual intrafamiliar contra crianças e adolescentes: entre a prevenção do crime e do dano

OBJETIVOS: compreender as representações sociais de membros do Poder Judiciário acerca da prevenção da violência sexual intrafamiliar contra crianças e adolescentes. MÉTODOS: pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa que teve como campo de estudo as 1ª e 2ª Varas dos Crimes contra a Criança e o Adolescente, no Tribunal de Justiça de Pernambuco, com participação de 17 sujeitos (juiz, assessor, técnicos e analistas judiciários). Observação participante, entrevistas semiestruturadas e grupo focal compreenderam as técnicas para coleta de dados, que foram analisados por meio da interpretação dos sentidos. RESULTADOS: a categoria "cultura penal" emergiu dos discursos, bem como suas subcategorias: "prevenção do crime" e "prevenção do dano". CONCLUSÕES: as representações dos sujeitos revelam uma dicotomia, caracterizando o conflito entre a tradição do Poder Judiciário e o direito novo, que abrange os princípios da proteção integral e da prioridade absoluta às crianças e dos adolescentes. O conceito de prevenção da violência sexual intrafamiliar contra crianças e adolescentes deve ser ampliado para além da mera prevenção do crime. A abordagem do problema por meio da prevenção requer que se incorpore ao Poder Judiciário uma cultura penal que abarque os princípios da proteção integral e da prioridade absoluta.

O ATO MÉDICO NO CRIME DE TORTURA

A presente pesquisa verificou se a legislação surgida após a Segunda Guerra Mundial foi apta a inibir o comportamento maleficente de médicos no auxílio em especializar, dissimular e acobertar a tortura. Foi demonstrado o envolvimento médico com experimentos em seres humanos durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial e corroborou-se que a maleficência médica ainda é usada nos dias de hoje na sociedade contemporânea, permitindo aos profissionais de saúde, desde o período da Guerra Fria, o envolvimento com a tortura e a consequente violação dos princípios da Bioética, especialmente, na conjuntura atualíssima da guerra norte-americana contra o terrorismo. Ao final foram propostas soluções, tendo em vista as noções de Bioética, as normas de Direito Internacional e os Direitos Humanos

Design and Crime

L'articolo è disponibile anche tradotto in italiano. Cfr. Hal Foster, Design & Crime, Milano, Postmedia Books, 2003, pp. 23-32.

Educare la democrazia. Educativo e politico nella tradizione liberale

La presente ricerca si basa sull’ipotesi che all’interno della tradizione liberale il momento educativo sia tanto importante quanto quello politico. E’ una tesi che non trova molti riscontri nella letteratura intorno al liberalismo, maggiormente propensa a vedere in ogni intervento formativo una minaccia alla libera espressione individuale. L’educazione, secondo questa accezione, conterrebbe una rilevante disposizione ad essere utilizzata ideologicamente, finendo per divenire il più raffinato degli strumenti illiberali. Nel tentativo di contrastare tale ipotesi sono analizzate le principali manifestazioni del liberalismo: contrattualistico (Locke), evoluzionistico (Mandeville, Hume, Smith), giuridico-morale (Kant), liberal-democratico (Tocqueville) e sociale (Dewey). Da tale analisi emerge un particolare modello pedagogico, di natura indiretta e asistematica, che pone al centro della propria riflessione la salvaguardia delle prerogative individuali, senza che questo comporti la sottovalutazione della presenza dell’altro e della creazione di istituzioni sociali giuste. Il processo educativo, inoltre, non può essere visto secondo un’ottica propedeutica nei confronti dell’esperienza politica, contenendo al proprio interno quelle variabili di ordine comportamentale e relazionale in grado di anticipare la stessa vita democratica. Quest’ultima, secondo la celebre definizione di Dewey, non può che essere devota nei confronti dell’educazione, non potendo basarsi esclusivamente su giustificazioni di ordine formale. Il discorso intorno al processo formativo, di conseguenza, allontana il pericolo che il progetto politico liberale si tramuti in mero disegno di stampo “ingegneristico”, senza alcuna considerazione intorno al piano della realizzabilità.

La partecipazione femminile al giornalismo politico-letterario. Italia e Francia tra Otto e Novecento.

By examining seven major reviews (the French “Revue des deux Mondes”, the “Revue de Paris” and the “Nouvelle Revue”; the Italian “Nuova Antologia”, the “Rassegna Nazionale”, the “Rivista europea” and the “Revue internationale”) this thesis investigate the female participation in high quality journalism in Italy and France between the 1870s and the First World War. The aim is to show that despite some obvious limitations, women found room in that apparently very ‘male’ space of culture and emerged on a considerable scale in all walks of the profession. Many women regularly published on high quality reviews. Some of them even rose to high positions on editorials board. With the exception of a few fields of knowledge – albeit fundamental to the journals’ overall structure – such as economics, finance and matters to do with the army and the colonies, women contributors covedered nearly all the range of subjects contained in this periodicals: not only fiction, but also literary criticism, travelogues, politics and others. Quality and cultural journals offered women writers a considerable space for entering the public sphere, as both authors and readers. It may thus construed on a dual plane: as an opportunity for women writers to join the new professional ranks of modern publishing, but also as an important terrain for acknowledgment of their standing as intellectuals.

Il conflitto tra ragione e passioni nel pensiero morale, economico e politico di Bernard Mandeville

Effects of the conflict between reason and passion in Bernard Mandeville’s moral, economic and political thought My PhD dissertation focuses on Bernard Mandeville (1670-1732), a Dutch philosopher who moved to London in his late twenties. The aspect of Mandeville’s thought I take into account in my research is the conflicting relation between reason and passions, and the consequences that Mandeville’s view of this conflict has in the development of his theory of human nature which, I argue, is what grounds his moral, economic and, above all, political theory. According to Mandeville, reason is fundamentally weak. Passions influence with more strength human actions, and, eventually, are the ones which motivate them. The role of reason is merely instrumental, restricted to finding appropriate means in order to reach the desired ends, which are capricious and inconstant, since they all come from unstable passions. Reason cannot take decisions meant to act in the long term, pursuing an object which has not a selfish and temporary nature. There is no possibility, thus, that men’s actions aim just to achieve a good and just society, without their interests being directly involved. The basically selfish root of every desire leads Mandeville to claim that there is neither benevolence nor altruism which guides human behaviour. Hence he expresses a judgement on the moral character of human beings, always busy with their self-satisfaction, and hardly ever considering what would be good on a wider perspective, including other people’s sake. The anthropological features ascribed to men by Mandeville, are those which lead him to prefer a political system where governors are not supposed to have particular abilities, either from an intellectual or from a moral point of view, and peace and order are preserved by the bureaucratic machine, which is meant to work with the least effort on the part of the politicians, and no big harm can be done even by corrupted or wicked governors. This system is adopted with an eye at remedying human deficiencies: Mandeville takes into primary account, when he thinks of how to build a peaceful and functioning society, that everyone is concerned with his selfish interest, and that the rationality of a single politician, or of a group of them belonging to a same generation, cannot find a good “solution” to govern men able to last over the long period, and to work in different ages. This implies a refusal of the Hobbesian theory of the pactum subjectionis, which has the character of a rational and definitive choice, and leads Mandeville to consider the order which arises spontaneously, without any plan or rational intervention.

Dalla Francia all'Italia: impegno politico, inchiesta e transfers culturali alle origini della sociologia del lavoro in Italia

Sociology of work in Italy revived at the end of WWII, after thirty years of forced oblivion. This thesis examines the history of discipline by considering three paths that it followed from its revival up to its institutionalization: the influence of the productivity drive, the role of trade unions and the activity of early young researchers. European Productivity Agency's Italian office Comitato Nazionale per la Produttività propagandised studies on management and on the effects of the industrialization on work and society. Academicians, technicians, psychologists who worked for CNP started rethinking sociology of work, but the managerial use of sociology was unacceptable for both trade unions and young researchers. So “free union” CISL created a School in Florence with an eager attention to social sciences as a medium to become a new model union, while Marxist CGIL, despite its ideological aversion to sociology, finally accepted the social sciences lexicon in order to explain the work changes and to resist against the employers' association offensive. On the other hand, political and social engagement led a first generation of sociologists to study social phenomenon in the recently industrialized Italy by using the sociological analysis. Finally, the thesis investigate the cultural transfers from France, whose industrial sociology (sociologie du travail) was considered as a reference in continental Europe. Nearby the wide importance of French sociologie, financially aided by planning institutions in order to employ it in the industrial reconstruction, other minor experiences such as the social surveys accomplished by worker-priests in the suburbs of industrial cities and the heterodox Marxism of the review “Socialisme ou Barbarie” influenced Italian sociology of work.