987 resultados para Contaminated sites policy


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This special issue presents an excellent opportunity to study applied epistemology in public policy. This is an important task because the arena of public policy is the social domain in which macro conditions for ‘knowledge work’ and ‘knowledge industries’ are defined and created. We argue that knowledge-related public policy has become overly concerned with creating the politico-economic parameters for the commodification of knowledge. Our policy scope is broader than that of Fuller (1988), who emphasizes the need for a social epistemology of science policy. We extend our focus to a range of policy documents that include communications, science, education and innovation policy (collectively called knowledge-related public policy in acknowledgement of the fact that there is no defined policy silo called ‘knowledge policy’), all of which are central to policy concerned with the ‘knowledge economy’ (Rooney and Mandeville, 1998). However, what we will show here is that, as Fuller (1995) argues, ‘knowledge societies’ are not industrial societies permeated by knowledge, but that knowledge societies are permeated by industrial values. Our analysis is informed by an autopoietic perspective. Methodologically, we approach it from a sociolinguistic position that acknowledges the centrality of language to human societies (Graham, 2000). Here, what we call ‘knowledge’ is posited as a social and cognitive relationship between persons operating on and within multiple social and non-social (or, crudely, ‘physical’) environments. Moreover, knowing, we argue, is a sociolinguistically constituted process. Further, we emphasize that the evaluative dimension of language is most salient for analysing contemporary policy discourses about the commercialization of epistemology (Graham, in press). Finally, we provide a discourse analysis of a sample of exemplary texts drawn from a 1.3 million-word corpus of knowledge-related public policy documents that we compiled from local, state, national and supranational legislatures throughout the industrialized world. Our analysis exemplifies a propensity in policy for resorting to technocratic, instrumentalist and anti-intellectual views of knowledge in policy. We argue that what underpins these patterns is a commodity-based conceptualization of knowledge, which is underpinned by an axiology of narrowly economic imperatives at odds with the very nature of knowledge. The commodity view of knowledge, therefore, is flawed in its ignorance of the social systemic properties of ��knowing’.

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In this article, I show how new spaces are being prefigured for colonization in new economy policy discourses. Drawing on a corpus of 1.3 million words collected from legislatures throughout the world, I show the role of policy language in creating the foundations of an emergent form of political economy: The analysis is informed by principles from critical discourse analysis (CDA), classical political economy and critical media studies. It foregrounds a functional aspect of language called process metaphor to show how aspects of human activity are prefigured for mass commodification by the manipulation of realis and irrealis spaces. I also show how the fundamental element of any new political economy, the property element, is being largely ignored. Current moves to create a privately owned global space, which is as concrete as landed property - namely, the electromagnetic spectrum - has significant ramifications for the future of social relations in any global knowledge economy.

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The technique of in situ leach (ISL) uranium mining is well established in the USA, as well as being used extensively in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The method is being proposed and tested on uranium deposits in Australia, with sulphuric acid chemistry and no restoration of groundwater following mining. ISL mines in the former Soviet Union generally used acid reagents and were operated without due consideration given to environmental protection. At many former mine sites, the extent of groundwater contamination is significant because of high salinity, heavy metal and radionuclide concentrations compared with pre-mining and changes in the hydrogeological regime caused by mining. After the political collapse of the Soviet Union by the early 1990s, most uranium mines were shut down or ordered to be phased out by government policy. Programmes of restoration are now being undertaken but are proving technically difficult and hampered by a lack of adequate financial resources. The history and problems of acid ISL sites in countries of the former Soviet Union and Asia are presented in this study.

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The 12 cysteine residues in the flavivirus NS1 protein are strictly conserved, suggesting that they form disulfide bonds that are critical for folding the protein into a functional structure. In this study, we examined the intramolecular disulfide bond arrangement of NS1 of Murray Valley encephalitis virus and elucidated three of the six cysteine-pairing arrangements. Disulfide linkages were identified by separating tryptic-digested NS1 by reverse-phase high pressure liquid chromatography and analysing the resulting peptide peaks by protein sequencing, amino acid analysis and/or electrospray mass spectrometry. The pairing arrangements between the six amino-terminal cysteines were identified as follows: Cys(4)-Cys(15), Cys(55)-Cys(143) and Cys(179)-Cys(223). Although the pairing arrangements between the six carboxyterminal cysteines were not determined, we were able to eliminate several cysteine-pairing combinations. Furthermore, we demonstrated that all three putative N-linked glycosylation sites of NS1 are utilized and that the Asn(207) glycosylation site contains a mannose-rich glycan.

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There is an urgent need to link social science research with policy making to address many key issues confronting countries across the globe. Policy makers need the benefit of social science research which is relevant, timely, transdisciplinary, methodologically capable of capturing global and local trends, swift to respond to fundamental issues, and offering findings which are clearly articulated, effectively disseminated, and oriented to outcomes. For this a new partnership is needed between social scientists and policy makers. We can gain a clearer picture of the nature of this desired partnership by probing the dichotomy between the world of science and the world of policy making. The experience of UNESCO and its programme Management of Social Transformations provides some valuable lessons.

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It has been previously observed that the intrinsically weak variant GC donor sites, in order to be recognized by the U2-type spliceosome, possess strong consensus sequences maximized for base pair formation with U1 and U5/U6 snRNAs. However, variability in signal strength is a fundamental mechanism for splice site selection in alternative splicing. Here we report human alternative GC-AG introns (for the first time from any species), and show that while constitutive GC-AG introns do possess strong signals at their donor sites, a large subset of alternative GC-AG introns possess weak consensus sequences at their donor sites. Surprisingly, this subset of alternative isoforms shows strong consensus at acceptor exon positions 1 and 2. The improved consensus at the acceptor exon can facilitate a strong interaction with U5 snRNA, which tethers the two exons for ligation during the second step of splicing. Further, these isoforms nearly always possess alternative acceptor sites and always possess alternative acceptor sites and exhibit particularly weak polypyrimidine tracts characteristic of AG-dependent introns. The acceptor exon nucleotides are part of the consensus required for the U2AF(35)-mediated recognition of AG in such introns. Such improved consensus at acceptor exons is not found in either normal or alternative GT-AG introns having weak donor sites or weak polypyrimidine,tracts. The changes probably reflect mechanisms that allow GC-AG alternative intron isoforms to cope with two conflicting requirements, namely an apparent need for differential splice strength to direct the choice of alternative sites and a need for improved donor signals to compensate for the central mismatch base pair (C-A) in the RNA duplex of U1 snRNA and the pre-mRNA. The other important findings include (i) one in every twenty alternative introns is a GC-AG intron, and (ii) three of every five observed GC-AG introns are alternative isoforms.

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Crum's notion of idola as a conceptual fallacy is interesting, somewhat helpful, yet potentially limiting in a critique of research in PE if one is to accept a postmodern or poststructuralist position. In line with a poststructuralist position, a strength in Crum's application of idola is the recognition that research in PE is constituted by the researcher and their social world which, in turn, constitutes the researcher. Limitations to Crum's idola thesis arise when the notion is used to suggest that as a result of the researcher's lack of conceptual clarity, the quest for knowledge or truth about PE pedagogy is undermined as this assumes that meanings can be unequivocal and precede a linear research process. In contrast, this response argues that a priority in research should be to examine how, and under what conditions, particular discourses come to shape PE practices in schools and universities. In a postmodern world, conceptual clarity should not be the goal but rather a coming to understand how PE knowledge and practice is being constructed across sites and contexts.

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The first half of 2001 saw traditional issues dominating the foreign policy agenda, with both Australia's relationship with the United States and the policy of Asian engagement still holding centre stage. But those old issues generated fresh anxieties. In the United States, the incoming Bush administration displayed a genuine radicalism in its approach to foreign policy, and that raised concerns in many Western capitals — including Canberra — about a new mood of unilateralism in Washington. At the same time, the emergence of the thesis that Australia was becoming a "branch office economy", where key decisions were taken in the capital markets of New York and London, made the government noticeably more cautious and selective in its endorsement of globalisation. Further, the issue of Asian engagement grew steadily more complex: Australian policy-makers searched unsuccessfully for a new focus for the policy of Asian engagement, as Japan's economy wallowed and Indonesia's democratic government tottered.

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Recent studies have provided evidence that breast cancer susceptibility gene products (Brca1 and Brca2) suppress cancer, at least in part, by participating in DNA damage signaling and DNA repair. Brca1 is hyperphosphorylated in response to DNA damage and co-localizes with Rad51, a protein involved in homologous-recombination, and Nbs1·Mre11·Rad50, a complex required for both homologous-recombination and nonhomologous end joining repair of damaged DNA. Here, we report that there is a qualitative difference in the phosphorylation states of Brca1 between ionizing radiation (IR) and UV radiation. Brca1 is phosphorylated at Ser-1423 and Ser-1524 after IR and UV; however, Ser-1387 is specifically phosphorylated after IR, and Ser-1457 is predominantly phosphorylated after UV. These results suggest that different types of DNA-damaging agents might signal to Brca1 in different ways. We also provide evidence that the rapid phosphorylation of Brca1 at Ser-1423 and Ser-1524 after IR (but not after UV) is largely ataxia telangiectasia mutated (ATM) kinase-dependent. The overexpression of catalytically inactive ATM and Rad3 related (ATR) kinase inhibited the UV-induced phosphorylation of Brca1 at these sites, indicating that ATR controls Brca1 phosphorylation in vivo after the exposure of cells to UV light. Moreover, ATR associates with Brca1; ATR and Brca1 foci co-localize both in cells synchronized in S phase and after exposure of cells to DNA-damaging agents. ATR can itself phosphorylate the region of Brca1 phosphorylated by ATM (Ser-Gln cluster in the C terminus of Brca1, amino acids 1241-1530). However, there are additional uncharacterized ATR phosphorylation site(s) between residues 521 and 757 of Brca1. Taken together, our results support a model in which ATM and ATR act in parallel but somewhat overlapping pathways of DNA damage signaling but respond primarily to different types of DNA lesion.

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We recently demonstrated that suppression of bone remodeling allows microdamage to accumulate, leading to reduced bone toughness in the rib cortex of dogs. This study evaluates the effects of reduced bone turnover produced by bisphosphonates on microdamage accumulation and biomechanical properties at clinically relevant skeletal sites in the same dogs. Thirty-six female beagles, 1-2 years old, were divided into three groups. The control group was treated daily for 12 months with saline vehicle (CNT), The remaining two groups were treated daily with risedronate at a dose of 0.5 mg/kg per day (RIS), or alendronate at 1.0 mg/kg per day (ALN) orally, The doses of these bisphosphonates were six times the clinical doses approved for treatment of osteoporosis in humans. After killing, the L-1 vertebra was scanned by dual-energy X-ray absorptiometry (DXA), and the L-2 vertebra and right ilium were assigned to histomorphometry, The L-3 vertebra, left ilium, Th-2 spinous process, and right femoral neck were used for microdamage analysis. The L-4 vertebra and Th-1 spinous process were mechanically tested to failure in compression and shear, respectively. One year treatment with risedronate or alendronate significantly suppressed trabecular remodeling in vertebrae (RIS 90%, ALN 95%) and ilium (RIS 76%, ALN 90%) without impairment of mineralization, and significantly increased microdamage accumulation in all skeletal sites measured. Trabecular bone volume and vertebral strength increased significantly following 12 month treatment. However, normalized toughness of the L-4 vertebra was reduced by 21% in both RIS (p = 0.06) and ALN (p = 0.05) groups. When the two bisphosphonate groups were pooled in a post hoc fashion for analysis, this reduction in toughness reached statistical significance (p = 0.02), This study demonstrates that suppression of trabecular bone turnover by high doses of bisphosphonates is associated with increased vertebral strength, even though there is significant microdamage accumulation and a reduction in the intrinsic energy absorption capacity of trabecular bone. (C) 2001 by Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.

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Whereas in other Australian states voluntary organizations set up and managed infant health clinics and state governments only later became involved, in order to resolve conflicts or raise standards, Queensland began with government control. From the start, these well-baby clinics were established and maintained by the state government, whose policy precluded any involvement by the voluntary sector in baby clinic management or other aspects of the work of the Maternal and Child Welfare section of the Department of Health and Home Affairs. One organization, the Mothercraft Association of Queensland, attempted to contribute to maternal-infant welfare in the years 1931-1961. This article will discuss how the association worked in a way that was complementary to the government's work, and non-confrontationist, to achieve some of its goals.

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