956 resultados para Ceràmica romana -- Península Ibèrica


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Nota sobre les conseqüències de la invasió del mol·lusc d'aigua dolça, Anodonta woodiana, a la Península Ibèrica

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La presència actual de l’Islam a Catalunya és una realitat innegable, així com ho ésl’existència de població estrangera musulmana, que fa del nostre país un territori cadavegada més multicultural. De fet, en els últims anys, l’establiment definitiu de famíliesmusulmanes, que ha substituït a l’arribada intermitent preferentment masculina per atreballar, ha donat lloc a uns canvis en la societat catalana. Uns canvis queprincipalment són causats per l’augment de la visibilitat d’una comunitat que esdistingeix per seguir una religió diferent a la professada tradicionalment a Espanya i aCatalunya. Malgrat el passat islàmic a la Península Ibérica, l’Islam és una religió que esconcep en termes d’alteritat, desconeguda per a molts i sobretot, identificada moltesvegades de manera negativa i estereotipada.

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En aquest article es presenta la fase de la intervenció realitzada al mercat de Santa Caterina que es desenvolupa en l’època altimperial romana i està relacionada amb els inicis de la ciutat de Barcino. En funció de les estructures recuperades i la gran quantitat de material d’escòries ceràmiques recollides, les restes documentades s’han identificat amb una zona de producció ceràmica suburbial, on podrien produir-se tant ceràmiques comunes com recipients amfòrics. Aquests últims són els que han aportat més informació, tant per la quantitat com per la diversitat de marques recollides, que han permès ampliar el coneixement sobre les possibles produccions a la ciutat i els circuits del vi a la zona.

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Amb aquest treball volem contribuir al coneixement de la dinàmica comercial de la Tàrraco del segle i dC. Es presenta una possible producció local documentada d’una manera abundant en el jaciment de la plaça de la Font de Tarragona. També presentem com a novetat un petit conjunt de ceràmiques procedents de la zona de Nàpols i Narbona. Per últim, destacar algunes imitacions de TSI d’origen indeterminat.

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Es publiquen dos segells impresos en els fons de sengles vasos de terra sigillata trobats a Tarragona. Es tracta d’impressions de gemmes amb motius mitològics: Prometeu creant l’home del fang i Victòria.

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The Torre Llauder pottery workshop, where evidence was found of the manufacture of Pascual 1 and Dressel 2–4 amphoras in the 1960s and 70s, is one of the most emblematic of the Laietania region. Marià Ribas had already expressed her opinion that tegulae with the L·HER·OPT stamp had also been manufactured there. In addition, it was theorised that this pottery had also produced plain ware. In this paper we present the results of the analysis3 of samples of the above mentioned types of pottery, carried out with the aim of shedding some light on these questions.

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Long-term relative sea-level cycles (0 5 to 6 Myr) have yet to be fully understood for the Cretaceous. During the Aptian, in the northern Maestrat Basin (Eastern Iberian Peninsula), fault-controlled subsidence created depositional space, but eustasy governed changes in depositional trends. Relative sea-level history was reconstructed by sequence stratigraphic analysis. Two forced regressive stages of relative sea-level were recognized within three depositional sequences. The first stage is late Early Aptian age (intra Dufrenoyia furcata Zone) and is characterized by foreshore to upper shoreface sedimentary wedges, which occur detached from a highstand carbonate platform, and were deposited above basin marls. The amplitude of relative sea-level drop was in the order of tens of metres, with a duration of <1 Myr. The second stage of relative sea-level fall occurred within the Late Aptian and is recorded by an incised valley that, when restored to its pre-contractional attitude, was >2 km wide and cut 115 m down into the underlying Aptian succession. With the subsequent transgression, the incision was back-filled with peritidal to shallow subtidal deposits. The changes in depositional trends, lithofacies evolution and geometric relation of the stratigraphic units characterized are similar to those observed in coeval rocks within the Maestrat Basin, as well as in other correlative basins elsewhere. The pace and magnitude of the two relative sea-level drops identified fall within the glacio-eustatic domain. In the Maestrat Basin, terrestrial palynological studies provide evidence that the late Early and Late Aptian climate was cooler than the earliest part of the Early Aptian and the Albian Stage, which were characterized by warmer environmental conditions. The outcrops documented here are significant because they preserve the results of Aptian long-term sea-level trends that are often only recognizable on larger scales (i.e. seismic) such as for the Arabian Plate.

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Long-term relative sea-level cycles (0 5 to 6 Myr) have yet to be fully understood for the Cretaceous. During the Aptian, in the northern Maestrat Basin (Eastern Iberian Peninsula), fault-controlled subsidence created depositional space, but eustasy governed changes in depositional trends. Relative sea-level history was reconstructed by sequence stratigraphic analysis. Two forced regressive stages of relative sea-level were recognized within three depositional sequences. The first stage is late Early Aptian age (intra Dufrenoyia furcata Zone) and is characterized by foreshore to upper shoreface sedimentary wedges, which occur detached from a highstand carbonate platform, and were deposited above basin marls. The amplitude of relative sea-level drop was in the order of tens of metres, with a duration of <1 Myr. The second stage of relative sea-level fall occurred within the Late Aptian and is recorded by an incised valley that, when restored to its pre-contractional attitude, was >2 km wide and cut 115 m down into the underlying Aptian succession. With the subsequent transgression, the incision was back-filled with peritidal to shallow subtidal deposits. The changes in depositional trends, lithofacies evolution and geometric relation of the stratigraphic units characterized are similar to those observed in coeval rocks within the Maestrat Basin, as well as in other correlative basins elsewhere. The pace and magnitude of the two relative sea-level drops identified fall within the glacio-eustatic domain. In the Maestrat Basin, terrestrial palynological studies provide evidence that the late Early and Late Aptian climate was cooler than the earliest part of the Early Aptian and the Albian Stage, which were characterized by warmer environmental conditions. The outcrops documented here are significant because they preserve the results of Aptian long-term sea-level trends that are often only recognizable on larger scales (i.e. seismic) such as for the Arabian Plate.

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Il risultato delle indagini condotte negli anni scorsi nei depositi archeologici della Catalogna, sia urbani, sia rurali, consente di determinare le tendenze delle importazioni e dell’economia in quest’area occidentale della penisola iberica fra il V secolo e la fine del VI-inizi del VII. In questa sede viene proposta una sintesi interpretativa dei dati disponibili, specialmente in rapporto al commercio delle ceramiche africane che costituivano le principali importazioni. Allo stato delle ricerche si possono avanzare alcune riflessioni. Se è vero che l’occupazione di Cartagine da parte dei Vandali nel 439 potrebbe aver determinato alcuni cambiamenti nella commercializzazione dei materiali africani, non va escluso che, tra la metà e la seconda metà del V secolo, il rafforzamento politico del regno vandalo abbia causato alcuni importanti cambiamenti tipologici nelle ceramiche africane (sigillata D, anfore) e un nuovo impulso alla relativa commercializzazione. Tra la seconda metà del VI secolo e la prima metà del VII (e forse anche la seconda metà) è proseguito l’arrivo di ceramica africana, proveniente soprattutto dall’area tunisina e, in minore quantità, dal Mediterraneo orientale. L’importazione di sigillata africana ha subito un significativo calo in questo periodo, ma non sparisce del tutto almeno fino agli inizi del VII secolo. Nel contempo è documentato un aumento considerevole della presenza di anfore africane, tanto che non può essere accolta l’ipotesi della cessazione delle importazioni tra la metà e il pieno VI secolo. Di conseguenza la rivalità politica fra i Visigoti e i Bizantini non si è tradotta nella scomparsa del commercio fra la penisola iberica e il Nord Africa, anche se è ben documentata una notevole diminuzione dei prodotti africani nel nord della provincia bizantina di Spania. La causa (o le cause) della fine dell’arrivo delle importazioni mediterranee lungo i litorali ispanici non può essere accertata con sicurezza. D’altra parte le ragioni di questo fenomeno vanno ricercate non solo nei centri di consumo, ma anche nelle aree di produzione, sicché sembra probabile che, come viene tradizionalmente ritenuto, la fine delle esportazioni fu determinata dall’invasione islamica dell’Africa settentrionale.

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L’objectiu d’aquest estudi és plantejar un estat de la qüestió sobre la producció vinària i d’àmfores en època romana a l’àrea de l’ager Tarraconensis i les terres de l’Ebre (possiblement corresponents al territorium de Dertosa), intentant posar en relació el testimoni arqueològic sobre els elements de transformació agrícola (premses, dipòsits) i la producció i distribució de les àmfores. S’ha pogut documentar una producció primerenca d’àmfores de la forma Dressel 1 en època tardorepublicana, reduïda pel que ara sabem a la zona de l’Alt Camp, i potser també present a la zona de Dertosa (forn del Mas d’Aragó). Tanmateix, la producció més important correspon a l’època altimperial. En època d’August es documenta l’aparició dels tallers de l’ager Dertosanus, així com a la part oriental de l’ager Tarraconensis (Darró, el Vilarenc) i al taller de la Canaleta (Vila-seca), on es produïren àmfores de la forma Oberaden 74. Tanmateix, fou en plena època julioclàudia quan les figlinae de l’àrea del Baix Camp es posaren en marxa, amb la producció d’àmfores de les formes Dressel 2-4 i 7-11. Aquesta producció es relaciona amb el vi de Tarraco al qual fan referència les fonts escrites llatines, i arqueològicament sembla que es pot perllongar almenys fins a final del segle II i inici del III.