887 resultados para vertical discourse


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Sentinel node (SN) status is the most important prognostic factor for localized melanoma. Usually, patients with Breslow thickness of less than 1.0 mm are not included in SN protocols. However, the literature presents a rate ranging from 3 to 7% of nodal recurrence in thin melanoma. Ulceration, regression and high mitotic rate have been considered to be indications for an SN biopsy. The metastatic potential of the vertical growth phase is uncertain. To correlate pathological features in thin melanoma with SN metastasis, we reviewed 358 patients submitted to SN biopsy. Seventy-seven patients with lesions of 1 mm or smaller were included in the study group. Histological evaluation of the primary tumor included thickness, Clark level, mitotic rate, ulceration, regression, and growth phase. Lymphoscintigraphy was performed on all patients. Lymphatic mapping and gamma probe detection were both used for SN biopsy. Histological examination of SN consisted of hematoxylin-eosin and immunohistochemical staining. Median follow-up was 37 months. Six patients had micrometastases. Statistical analysis by the Fisher test showed that ulceration (P = 0.019), high mitotic rate (P = 0.008) and vertical growth phase (P = 0.002) were positively correlated with micrometastases. If other studies confirm these results, more melanoma patients must be submitted to SN biopsy.

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Negotiating trade agreements is an important part of government trade policies, economic planning and part of the globally operating trading system of today. European Union and the United States have been active in the formation of trade agreements in global comparison. Now these two economic giants are engaged in negotiations to form their own trade agreement, the so called Transnational Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The purpose of this thesis is to understand the reasons for making a trade agreement between two economic areas and understanding the issues it may include in the case of the TTIP. The TTIP has received a great deal of attention in the media. The opinions towards the partnership have been extreme, and the debate has been heated. The purpose of this study is to introduce the nature of the public discussion regarding the TTIP from Spring 2013 until 2014. The research problem is to find out what are the main issues in the agreement and what are the values influencing them. The study was conducted applying methods of critical discourse analysis to the chosen data. This includes gathering the issues from the data based on the attention each has received in the discussion. The underlying motives for raising different issues were analysed by investigating the authors’ position in the political, economic and social circuits. The perceived economic impacts of the TTIP are also under analysis with the same criteria. Some of the most respected economic newspapers globally were included in the research material as well as papers or reports published by the EU and global organisations. The analysis indicates a clear dichotomy of the attitudes towards the TTIP. Key problems include lack of transparency in the negotiations, the misunderstood investor-state dispute settlement, the constantly expanding regulatory issues and the risk of protectionism. The theory and data does suggest that the removal of tariffs is an effective tool for reaching economic gains in the TTIP and even more effective would be the reducing of non-tariff barriers, such as protectionism. Critics are worried over the rising influence of corporations over governments. The discourse analysis reveals that the supporters of the TTIP have values related to increasing welfare through economic growth. Critics do not deny the economic benefits but raise the question of inequality as a consequence. Overall they represent softer values such as sustainable development and democracy as a counter-attack to the corporate values of efficiency and the maximising of profits.

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The main purpose of this study was to describe and evaluate nursing students' learning about an empowering discourse in patient education. In Phase 1, the purpose was to describe an empowering discourse between a nurse and a patient. In Phase 2, the purpose was first to create a computer simulation program of an empowering discourse based on the description, and second, the purpose was to evaluate nursing students’ learning of how to conduct an empowering discourse using a computer simulation program. The ultimate goal was to strengthen the knowledge basis on empowering discourse and to develop nursing students’ knowledge about how to conduct an empowering discourse for the development of patient education. In Phase I, empowering discourse was described using a systematic literature review with a metasummary technique (n=15). Data were collected covering a period from January 1995 to October 2005. In Phase 2, the computer simulation program of empowering discourse was created based the description in 2006–2007. A descriptive comparative design was used to evaluate students’ (n=69) process of learning empowering discourse using the computer simulation program and a pretest–post-test design without a control group was used to evaluate students’ (n=43) outcomes of learning. Data were collected in 2007. Empowering discourse was a structured process and it was possible to simulate and learned with the computer simulation program. According to students’ knowledge, empowering discourse was an unstructured process. Process of learning empowering discourse using the computer simulation program was controlled by the students and it changed students’ knowledge. The outcomes of learning empowering discourse appeared as changes of students’ knowledge to more holistic and better-organized or only to more holistic or better-organized. The study strengthened knowledge base of empowering discourse and developed students to more knowledgeable in empowering discourse.

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Pro gradu -tutkielma käsittelee Kanadan poliisivoimien, Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), vuoden 2014 operationaalista raporttia Kanadan kadonneista ja murhatuista alkuperäiskansojen naisista. Heitä katoaa ja murhataan Kanadassa suhteessa huomattavasti enemmän kuin muita naisia. Aihe on hyvin ajankohtainen sekä kriittinen ja siihen on paikallisten organisaatioiden lisäksi kiinnittänyt huomiota mm. Amnesty International ja Yhdistyneet Kansakunnat. Tilannetta pidetään jo ihmisoikeuskriisinä ja sen puolesta puhuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa kansannousua alkuperäiskansojen oikeuksien puolesta. Kanadan hallitusta sekä poliisivoimia on syytetty välinpitämättömyydestä ja rasismista, poliiseja jopa väkivallasta alkuperäiskansojen naisia kohtaan. Kanadan hallitus ei myönnä ongelman olevan sosiologinen ilmiö, vaan pääministerin mukaan naisten katoamiset ja murhat ovat yksittäisiä rikoksia. Tilanteen taustalla on laajempi ongelma, joka juontaa juurensa kolonialismista, alkuperäiskansojen pakkokoulutuksesta ja heidän kulttuurinsa sekä identiteettinsä tuhoamisesta. Ennakkoluulot ja stereotypiat elävät yhä vahvana luoden heikon aseman alkuperäiskansojen edustajille ja tässä tapauksessa erityisesti naisille, joita myös usein syytetään omista ongelmistaan. Tutkielma selvittää, onko tämä operationaalinen raportti eriarvoisuutta, stereotypioita sekä ennakkoluuloja ylläpitävä ja tukeeko se näkemystä sosiologisesta ilmiöstä. Poliisivoimat ovat yhteiskunnassa vaikutusvaltaisessa asemassa ja voivat edesauttaa, jatkaa ja voimistaa syrjivää ajattelua, käytöstä ja viestintää. Vaikka he myös ajavat alkuperäiskansojen etuja, tulee heidän toimintaansa ja täten tätä kyseistä raporttia tarkastella kriittisesti. Tutkielma keskittyy kriittiseen diskurssianalyysiin (Fairclough 1995, Wodak & Meyer 2009). Raportin teksti ei ole avoimesti diskriminoivaa ja keskittyy tilastojen ja lukujen raportointiin sekä vertailuun, luoden samalla kuvan asianomaisista sekä tilanteesta yleisesti. Makroanalyysi (van Dijk 1977, 1980) mahdollistaa korkeamman tason ajatusten ja ideoiden esille tuonnin paljastaen ns. rivien välistä löytyvän viestinnän. Näistä makroanalyysin tuloksista etsitään erilaisia diskurssistrategioita (Reisigl & Wodak 2001), joiden avulla luodaan mm. kuva positiivisesta itsestä ja negatiivisesta toisesta. Näitä tuloksia tuetaan lyhyellä multimodaalisella analyysillä, joka keskittyy lähinnä raportin kahteen kuvaan (Kress & van Leeuwen 2006). Lopuksi tuloksista keskustellaan suhteessa yhteiskunnan valtasuhteisiin (Foucault 1976), rasismiin ja seksismiin. Analyysin perusteella raportti on selkeästi diskriminoiva. Se tuo esiin vanhoja stereotypioita ja ennakkoluuloja, esittää tilanteen alkuperäiskansojen sisäisenä ongelmana, jättää mainitsematta tilanteen taustat ja luo hyvin positiivisen kuvan poliisivoimista (RCMP). Tällä tavoin se ylläpitää yhteiskunnan epätasapainoisia valtasuhteita ja alkuperäiskansojen naisten heikompaa ja marginalisoitua asemaa. Raportti todistaa kuinka syvällä Kanadan yhteiskunnassa jopa institutionaalisella tasolla nämä ajatukset piilevät, sillä diskriminaatio ulottuu tapausten syistä niiden käsittelyyn ja raportointiin. Tilanne on huolestuttava ja voidaan nähdä sosiologisena ilmiönä. Poliisivoimien tulisi lisätä sisäistä koulutusta asian suhteen sekä hallituksen tutkia tätä ilmiönä ja paneutua sen selvittämiseen laaja-alaisesti ja läpinäkyvästi.

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The fall of 2013 could be characterized as a crossroad in the geopolitics of Eastern Europe, namely Ukraine. Two rivalry geopolitical projects have been developing throughout the post-Cold War years, and it seems that they reached a collision point in Ukraine; a country whose authorities have been for long switching sides between the European Union and the Russian Federation in their foreign policy commitments. The refusal/postponing to sign the Association Agreement with Brussels, an expected event by a large category of the Ukrainian society, by Yanukovich’s government led to the outset of the latter; and brought a pro-Western, anti-Russian government in Kyiv. It seems that Ukraine, after those events, has embarked definitively on the path of integration into the West (European Union and possibly NATO). The Russian Federation, who has been throughout Putin’s years engaged into the re-integration of post-Soviet space, reacted to these developments in an assertive manner by violating borders, agreements and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Thus, the incorporation of the Crimea into the Russian Federation is the first in its kind in the post-Soviet space, despite the existence of various other conflicts that broke out in the region after the Soviet Union broke up. I will investigate in this thesis the nature of what will be labelled, in this work, the Crimean issue. I argue that the incorporation of the Crimean peninsula into the Russian Federation marks a new era in Russian geopolitical thinking that shapes, to a far extent, Russian foreign policy. Discourse analysis will be the methodological basis for this study, with a special focus on Michel Foucault’s Archaeology of Knowledge. The innovation that this research brings is the fact that it discusses Russian geopolitical discourse within the scope of Foucault’s ‘discursive tree’, with a reference to the Crimean issue. A wide range of primary sources will be consulted in this study such as presidential addresses to the Federal Assembly (2000-2014), Foreign Policy Concepts of the Russian Federation (2000, 2008), Russian maritime doctrines, as wells as Dugin’s Osnovy Geopolitiki (Foundations of Geopolitics), Mahan’s (The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660–1783) and other Eurasianism related literature.

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Pro gradu -tutkielma käsittelee Kanadan poliisivoimien, Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), vuoden 2014 operationaalista raporttia Kanadan kadonneista ja murhatuista alkuperäiskansojen naisista. Heitä katoaa ja murhataan Kanadassa suhteessa huomattavasti enemmän kuin muita naisia. Aihe on hyvin ajankohtainen sekä kriittinen ja siihen on paikallisten organisaatioiden lisäksi kiinnittänyt huomiota mm. Amnesty International ja Yhdistyneet Kansakunnat. Tilannetta pidetään jo ihmisoikeuskriisinä ja sen puolesta puhuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa kansannousua alkuperäiskansojen oikeuksien puolesta. Kanadan hallitusta sekä poliisivoimia on syytetty välinpitämättömyydestä ja rasismista, poliiseja jopa väkivallasta alkuperäiskansojen naisia kohtaan. Kanadan hallitus ei myönnä ongelman olevan sosiologinen ilmiö, vaan pääministerin mukaan naisten katoamiset ja murhat ovat yksittäisiä rikoksia. Tilanteen taustalla on laajempi ongelma, joka juontaa juurensa kolonialismista, alkuperäiskansojen pakkokoulutuksesta ja heidän kulttuurinsa sekä identiteettinsä tuhoamisesta. Ennakkoluulot ja stereotypiat elävät yhä vahvana luoden heikon aseman alkuperäiskansojen edustajille ja tässä tapauksessa erityisesti naisille, joita myös usein syytetään omista ongelmistaan. Tutkielma selvittää, onko tämä operationaalinen raportti eriarvoisuutta, stereotypioita sekä ennakkoluuloja ylläpitävä ja tukeeko se näkemystä sosiologisesta ilmiöstä. Poliisivoimat ovat yhteiskunnassa vaikutusvaltaisessa asemassa ja voivat edesauttaa, jatkaa ja voimistaa syrjivää ajattelua, käytöstä ja viestintää. Vaikka he myös ajavat alkuperäiskansojen etuja, tulee heidän toimintaansa ja täten tätä kyseistä raporttia tarkastella kriittisesti. Tutkielma keskittyy kriittiseen diskurssianalyysiin (Fairclough 1995, Wodak & Meyer 2009). Raportin teksti ei ole avoimesti diskriminoivaa ja keskittyy tilastojen ja lukujen raportointiin sekä vertailuun, luoden samalla kuvan asianomaisista sekä tilanteesta yleisesti. Makroanalyysi (van Dijk 1977, 1980) mahdollistaa korkeamman tason ajatusten ja ideoiden esille tuonnin paljastaen ns. rivien välistä löytyvän viestinnän. Näistä makroanalyysin tuloksista etsitään erilaisia diskurssistrategioita (Reisigl & Wodak 2001), joiden avulla luodaan mm. kuva positiivisesta itsestä ja negatiivisesta toisesta. Näitä tuloksia tuetaan lyhyellä multimodaalisella analyysillä, joka keskittyy lähinnä raportin kahteen kuvaan (Kress & van Leeuwen 2006). Lopuksi tuloksista keskustellaan suhteessa yhteiskunnan valtasuhteisiin (Foucault 1976), rasismiin ja seksismiin. Analyysin perusteella raportti on selkeästi diskriminoiva. Se tuo esiin vanhoja stereotypioita ja ennakkoluuloja, esittää tilanteen alkuperäiskansojen sisäisenä ongelmana, jättää mainitsematta tilanteen taustat ja luo hyvin positiivisen kuvan poliisivoimista (RCMP). Tällä tavoin se ylläpitää yhteiskunnan epätasapainoisia valtasuhteita ja alkuperäiskansojen naisten heikompaa ja marginalisoitua asemaa. Raportti todistaa kuinka syvällä Kanadan yhteiskunnassa jopa institutionaalisella tasolla nämä ajatukset piilevät, sillä diskriminaatio ulottuu tapausten syistä niiden käsittelyyn ja raportointiin. Tilanne on huolestuttava ja voidaan nähdä sosiologisena ilmiönä. Poliisivoimien tulisi lisätä sisäistä koulutusta asian suhteen sekä hallituksen tutkia tätä ilmiönä ja paneutua sen selvittämiseen laaja-alaisesti ja läpinäkyvästi.

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Memories of historical injustices affect contemporary politics from local to global level. In East Asia, questions of commemoration and historical responsibility have turned into international and domestic controversies. The main focus has been and still is in apologies conducted by Japanese prime ministers in regards to the war, aggression and colonialism during the era of Imperial Japan. Although it is granted that state apologies are not a crucial part of reconciliation, they can be analysed as a linked but separate process within the context of memory and international relations. The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses of history in Japanese prime ministers’ commemoration speeches on Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead from 1995 to 2015 in order to analyse how the Japanese government is reflecting on its past. In particular, attention is paid on what is being commemorated and how, whether it is the war and its victims or Japan’s post-war era of peace. As an apology is a reciprocal activity, responses from Japan’s most vocal former victims, South Korea and China, were also examined. Discourse analysis was used to identify and examine the different representations of the past. In addition, the apology statements of Japanese prime ministers were analysed in the Many to Many apology framework developed by Tavuchis (1991). Primary material consisted of 21 prime ministers’ speeches from the annual Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead on August 15th and from three apology statements made in 1995, 2005 and 2015. Further international context was primarily collected from newspaper articles of The New York Times and The Times throughout the examined period. It can be concluded from the findings that in the official Japanese remembrance of the past war from 1985’s annexation of Taiwan to the atomic bombings in 1945, both discourses that reinforce apology and remorse over Japan’s past aggressions and discourses that consciously avoid doing so are used. The commemoration speeches and apology statements consistently assert that Japan has acknowledged its past and expresses regret over the acts of aggression. At the same time, the speeches and statements strengthen the narrative that Japan was a victim of circumstances as well as turn the focus on post-war peace-making or on Japan’s own victimhood.

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A presença marcante de uma prosa-poética na produção ficcional de Clarice Lispector possibilitou-nos exemplificar algumas noções centrais (tempo vertical e instante poético) na rica e sugestiva reflexão de Gaston Bachelard acerca do universo poético

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This study was a comparative investigation of face-toface (i.e., proximate) and computer-mediated written (i.e., graphic) pre-writing conferences. The participants in this study were advanced English as a second language students. The 2 types of conferences were compared in terms of textual features, participation, and the . degree to which they were on topic. Moreover, drafts written after the 2 types of conferences were compared in terms of textual features, and the degree to which they were related to the conferences. Students produced an equivalent amount of discourse in an equivalent amount of time in the 2 types of conferences. The discourse in graphic conferences displayed greater lexical range, and some evidence suggests that it was less on-topic. Both these results likely occurred because the graphic conferences contained more discourse demonstrating interactive competence. Participation in graphic conferences was found to be as balanced or more balanced among students, and among students and the group leader combined. Overall, the drafts produced after the 2 types of conferences were of equivalent length and topical range, but some evidence suggests that drafts written after proximate conferences were more related to the conferences.

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The effects oftwo types of small-group communication, synchronous computer-mediated and face-to-face, on the quantity and quality of verbal output were con^ared. Quantity was deiSned as the number of turns taken per minute, the number of Analysis-of-Speech units (AS-units) produced per minute, and the number ofwords produced per minute. Quality was defined as the number of words produced per AS-unit. In addition, the interaction of gender and type of communication was explored for any differences that existed in the output produced. Questionnaires were also given to participants to determine attitudes toward computer-mediated and face-to-face communication. Thirty intermediate-level students fi-om the Intensive English Language Program (lELP) at Brock University participated in the study, including 15 females and 15 males. Nonparametric tests, including the Wilcoxon matched-pairs test, Mann-Whitney U test, and Friedman test were used to test for significance at the p < .05 level. No significant differences were found in the effects of computer-mediated and face-to-face communication on the output produced during follow-up speaking sessions. However, the quantity and quality of interaction was significantly higher during face-to-face sessions than computer-mediated sessions. No significant differences were found in the output produced by males and females in these 2 conditions. While participants felt that the use of computer-mediated communication may aid in the development of certain language skills, they generally preferred face-to-face communication. These results differed fi-om previous studies that found a greater quantity and quality of output in addition to a greater equality of interaction produced during computer-mediated sessions in comparison to face-to-face sessions (Kern, 1995; Warschauer, 1996).

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In this thesis I explore how the material properties of plant seed enter the political discourses of the international peasant coalition the Via Campesina and coalition member the National Fanners Union of Canada (NFU), querying how this process might be employed as a resource for a transformative eco-social politics. I employ several post-structural theoretical constructs, configuring them together as a "minor theory". This minor theory provides the basis for a "minor" reading of three sets of Via Campesina and NFU texts. The aim of these readings is to track the movement of seed from a local agricultural concern to a transitive political one, across both the material and discursive registers. In surfacing the presence of the seed's physical properties in the three texts, I highlight the distinctions between the constraining seed of corporate industrial agriculture, and the social and agroecological opportunities resulting from what I call a "Seed Event".

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The effect that plants {Typha latifolia) as well as root-bed medium physical and chemical characteristics have on the treatment of primary treated domestic wastewater within a vertical flow constructed wetland system was investigated. Five sets of cells, with two cells in each set, were used. Each cell was made of concrete and measured 1 .0 m X 1 .0 m and was 1.3 m deep. Four different root-bed media were tested : Queenston Shale, Fonthill Sand, Niagara Shale and a Michigan Sand. Four of the sets contained plants and a single type of root-bed medium. The influence of plants was tested by operating a Queenston Shale set without plants. Due to budget constraints no replicates were constructed. All of the sets were operated independently and identically for twenty-eight months. Twelve months of data are presented here, collected after 16 months of continuous operation. Root-bed medium type did not influence BOD5 removal. All of the sets consistently met Ontario Ministry of Environment (MOE) requirements (<25 mg/L) for BOD5 throughout the year. The 12 month average BOD5 concentration from all sets with plants was below 2.36 mg/L. All of the sets were within MOE discharge requirements (< 25 mg/L) for suspended solids with set effluent concentrations ranging from 1.53 to 14.80 mg/L. The Queenston Shale and Fonthill Sand media removed the most suspended solids while the Niagara Shale set produced suspended solids. The set containing Fonthill Sand was the only series to meet MOE discharge requirements (< Img/L) for total phosphorus year-round with a twelve month mean effluent concentration of 0.23 mg/L. Year-round all of the root-bed media were well below MOE discharge requirements (< 20mg/L in winter and < 10 mg/L in sumnner) for ammonium. The Queenston Shale and Fonthill Sand sets removed the most total nitrogen. Plants had no effect on total nitrogen removal, but did influence how nitrogen was cycled within the system. Plants increased the removal of suspended solids by 14%, BOD5 by 10% and total phosphorus by 22%. Plants also increased the amount of dissolved oxygen that entered the system. During the plant growing season removal of total phosphorus was better in all sets with plants regardless of media type. The sets containing Queenston Shale and Fonthill Sand media achieved the best results and plants in the Queenston Shale set increased treatment efficiency for every parameter except nitrogen. Vertical flow wetland sewage treatment systems can be designed and built to consistently meet MOE discharge requirements year-round for BOD5, suspended solids, total phosphorus and ammonium. This system Is generally superior to the free water systems and sub-surface horizontal flow systems in cold climate situations.

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Currently, much of the autism literature supports the notion that Pervasive Developmental Disorder (PDD) is a deviation from what is considered "normal" and, accordingly, that it is in need of early remediation. This thesis explored alternative constructions of autism and pathology by drawing on theorists from other disciplines, such as cultural studies (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, 1965, 1972, 1975,1980, 2003), critical psychology (Parker, 1995, 2002, 2005, 2007), disability studies (Danforth,1997, 1999, 2000; Skrtic, 1995, 1996) and anti-psychiatry (Basaglia, 1987). In an attempt to show how our accounts of the world encompass constructions rooted in language and our own histories of thinking about topics that interest us, this research took an autoethnographic approach to understanding autism discourse. Instead of denying the researcher's existence and personal investment in the research, the author attempted to implicate "the self in the research by acknowledging her own assumptions, biases and ideologies about autism discourse and practice. Thus, tensions between the self and other, personal and political become woven into the fabric, creating a personal, subjective, and partial account of the phenomenon. This research was intended to explicate and interrogate some of the taken-for-granted Truths which guide our practices with people with autism. This alternative critical framework focused on understanding autism as a discourse and explored the way these dominant autism constructions function in society. Furthermore, positioning "the self in the research was meant to illustrate the fundamental need for self-reflective practice in the social sciences.