366 resultados para unification


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"References" at end of chapters.

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Vital Subjects: Race and Biopolitics in Italy is an interdisciplinary study of how racial and colonial discourses shaped the “making” of Italians as modern political subjects in the years between its administrative unification (1861-1870) and the end of the First World War (1919)

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-03

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Thesis (D.M.A.)--University of Washington, 2016-05

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In this article we take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W Bush's (2001) declaration of a 'war on terror'. We present four exemplary 'call to arms' speeches by Pope Urban 11 (1095), Queen Elizabeth I (1588), Adolf Hitler (1938) and George W Bush (2001) to exemplify the structure, function, and historical significance of such texts in western societies over the last millennium. We identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appeal to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) an appeal for unification behind the legitimating external power source. We argue further that such texts typically appear in historical contexts characterized by deep crises in political legitimacy.

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Questions of identity have become increasingly central to the study of foreign policy and security, particularly in constructivist debates. But very few of the resulting insights have been applied to the Korean situation, where discussions about security and inter-Korean relations remain dominated by strategic and geopolitical issues. The main task of this article is to address this shortcoming by examining the experience of North Korean defectors in South Korea and the precedent of German unification. Both of these domains of inquiry reveal that identity differences between North and South persist far beyond the ideological and political structures that created them in the first place. Born out of death, fear, and longing for revenge, these identity patterns lie at the heart of Korea's security dilemmas. Unless taken seriously by scholars and decision makers, the respective tensions between identity and difference will continue to cause major political problems. (Key words: Inter-Korean relations, North Korean defectors, German unification)

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Esta tese é o resultado de uma pesquisa sobre o uso e a influência do dinheiro no que tange às questões existenciais, no contexto capitalista, ligadas ao trinômio: saúde, amor e espiritualidade. Para isso, foram analisados vários tipos de vínculo, afetivos ou não, existentes nas relações humanas, no âmbito da família, do mercado e do Estado, convergindo para a busca do sagrado que dá sentido e significado existenciais. O eixo teórico se localiza em uma interface entre as Ciências Sociais e a Psicologia Analítica, de Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961), que expressa em sua obra a necessidade humana de encontrar a realização do ser pela conquista consciente de um estado de integração evolutiva. Esta dimensão integral existe quando é realizada a unificação dos vários aspectos do eu com o inconsciente, expressos teleologicamente no processo de individuação. O resultado da evolução científica e tecnológica, acrescido pela supremacia do mercado, abrange praticamente todas as esferas da vida humana, imprimindo uma importância excessiva ao dinheiro. Por exemplo, até o campo religioso foi invadido pela lógica monetária, que se instalou impondo uma atitude monetarizada nas práticas e ritos religiosos, como ocorre em algumas igrejas neopentecostais. Por sua vez, a supervalorização do dinheiro contribui para um processo que combina dessacralização e exclusão social, bem como para o aumento significativo de doenças em todas as instâncias em que as trocas deixaram de acontecer livremente. Com a interdição das trocas, a vida se esvai, comprometendo a evolução humana nas instâncias físicas, psíquicas, sociais, espirituais, familiares, afetivas ou profissionais. Como os desejos de lucro e de acúmulo impedem as trocas, a conquista da dimensão integral vai ficando sombreada até ser substituída pela anestesia do consumo, no sentido de aliviar, apesar de não eliminar, os sentimentos de angústia pela falta de sentido existencial. Busca-se neste trabalho o entendimento da razão pela qual o ser humano contemporâneo deixou de trocar livremente e passou a acumular, muitas vezes por meio de consumo do supérfluo, ficando à mercê de um mercado que pretende ser hegemônico, colocando inclusive o dinheiro como caminho de cura e salvação. Fizemos um levantamento das possibilidades que podem restar para a concretização de uma readequação do uso do dinheiro a serviço da individuação e da realização existencial.(AU)

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O objetivo central desta pesquisa é avaliar os valores e possibilidades da aliança pregada no Deuteronômio. Para tanto, procuro captar a necessária tensão de qualquer tipo de aliança. Faço esse exercício, primeiramente, no próprio campo da hermenêutica. Sugiro uma leitura subalterna que agregue diferentes lutas no interior das interpretações libertárias (feminista, queer e pós-colonial). Nesse ínterim, forjo o trabalho do exegeta orgânico , a saber, aquele intérprete que articula vozes dissidentes para fazer frente às estruturas sistêmicas de subordinação. Após essa proposição teórica, avalio o Deuteronômio enquanto discursos concatenados em forma de arquivo. A principal sugestão é de que os textos deuteronômicos foram coletados ou produzidos em prol de um ideal de berit aliança . Esse ideal origina-se do material agora disposto em 4,44-26+28: um contrato comunitário atávico com Yhvh. Esse resultado é possibilitado pela crítica retórica ao texto e seus interesses propagandísticos desde o nascedouro arquivístico. Após uma comparação honesta com os tratados do Antigo Oriente Próximo, não se pode mais negar a pedagogia da obediência intrínseca ao contrato. A isso chamo, muitas vezes, de colusão do povo santo . A crítica retórica, entretanto, não encaminha apenas uma reificação desse ideal de berit, ao apontar, antes, para o debate interno da comunidade. Um contrato retórico, afinal, guarda em si, memórias silenciadas para que a propaganda se efetive. Nesse momento é que busco colisões de memórias, em especial, dentro das perícopes proibitivas do contrato. Todo o lixo deuteronômico, por assim dizer, está assinalado por duas fórmulas básicas: ki to abat yhvh eis uma abominação para Yhvh e ubi arta ha-ra mi-qirbeka exterminarás o per/vertido do teu meio . Dedico-me aos textos marcados por essas fórmulas, ao fomentar uma episódica unificação de abomináveis e per/vertidos . Avalio a luta particular de cada um/a, para então, propor uma agenda subalterna que promova a justiça social por reconhecimento e redistribuição. A aliança abominável e per/vertida intra-Deuteronômio apresenta uma proposta radicalmente democrática (i) em favor de uma cultura aberta ao Outro e (ii) contra estruturas autoritárias piramidais. Assinalo, portanto, que com essa dupla tática, os valores imperiais de hierarquização e subtração da irmandade deuteronômica são retoricamente postos em debate na comunidade.

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This article analyses the relationship between Orthodoxy and state from the unification of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859 to the creation of Greater Romania in 1918. Examining the attitudes of political leaders towards the dominant religion, this article argues that during the reigns of Prince Cuza and King Carol I the Church became a state institution closely connected to the development of political regimes. It is suggested that by claiming doctrinal religious connections with Constantinople and independence from foreign intervention in the Church’s affairs, religious and political leaders from 1859 to 1918 amplified the construction of Romanian national mythology which contributed towards the political unity of the state.

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The Politics of the New Germany takes a new approach to understanding politics in the post-unification Federal Republic. Assuming only elementary knowledge, it focuses on debates and issues in order to help students understand both the workings of Germany's key institutions and some of the key policy challenges facing German politicians. Written in a straightforward style by four experts, each of the chapters draws on a rich variety of real-world examples. Packed with boxed summaries of key points, a guide to further reading and a range of seminar questions for discussion at the end of each chapter, this book highlights both the challenges and opportunities facing policy-makers in such areas as foreign affairs, economic policy, immigration, identity politics and institutional reforms. The book also takes a bird's-eye view of the big debates that define German politics over time, regardless of which party happens to be in power. It pinpoints three key themes that have characterised German politics over the last sixty years; reconciliation, consensus and transformation. Table of Contents: Introduction 1. Germany and the Burden of History 2. Germany’s Post-War Development, 1945-1989 3. Towards German Unity? 4. A Blockaded System of Government? 5. The Party System and Electoral Behaviour: The Path to Stable Instability? 6. Economic Management: The End of the German Model? 7. Citizenship and Demographics: A Country of Immigration? 8. The Reform of the Welfare State? 9. Germany and the European Union: A European Germany or a German Europe? 10. Foreign and Security Policy: A New Role for the Twenty-First Century? 11. Conclusion

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All four of the most important figures in the early twentieth-century development of quantum physics-Niels Bohr, Erwin Schroedinger, Werner Heisenberg and Wolfgang Pauli-had strong interests in the traditional mind-brain, or 'hard,' problem. This paper reviews their approach to this problem, showing the influence of Bohr's complementarity thesis, the significance of Schroedinger's small book, 'What is life?,' the updated Platonism of Heisenberg and, perhaps most interesting of all, the interaction of Carl Jung and Wolfgang Pauli in the latter's search for a unification of mind and matter. © 2005 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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German unification in 1871 triggered a wave of enthusiasm for the fatherland amongst German migrants worldwide. Britain was no exception. National confidence and coherence received a boost through the new symbols of ‘Kaiser’ and ‘Reich’. From the 1880s onwards, more and more militaristic and chauvinistic undertones could be heard. Local branches of German patriotic and militaristic pressure groups were founded in Britain. Support for Germany’s ‘new course’ of colonialist expansion and its ambitious naval programme was, however, not confined to right–wing groups but permeated ethnic life in general. Religion and nationalism stood in a symbiotic relationship; some German academics lecturing at British universities displayed chauvinistic attitudes; social clubs were increasingly dominated by an atmosphere of ‘Reich’–nationalism. After the outbreak of war, public expressions of pro–German attitudes did not disappear and were one of numerous factors contributing to Germanophobia within the host society.

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Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, West Germany was considered to be one of the world’s most successful economic and political systems. In his seminal 1987 analysis of West Germany’s ‘semisovereign’ system of governance, Peter Katzenstein attributed this success to a combination of a fragmented polity, consensus politics and incremental policy changes. However, unification in 1990 has both changed Germany’s institutional configuration and created economic and social challenges on a huge scale. This volume therefore asks whether semisovereignty still exists in contemporary Germany and, crucially, whether it remains an asset in terms of addressing these challenges. By shadowing and building on the original study, an eminent team of British, German and American scholars analyses institutional changes and the resulting policy developments in key sectors, with Peter Katzenstein himself providing the conclusion. Together, the chapters provide a landmark assessment of the outcomes produced by one of the world’s most important countries. Contents: 1. Introduction: semisovereignty challenged Simon Green and William E. Paterson; 2. Institutional transfer: can semisovereignty be transferred? The political economy of Eastern Germany Wade Jacoby; 3. Political parties Thomas Saalfeld; 4. Federalism: the new territorialism Charlie Jeffery; 5. Shock-absorbers under stress. Parapublic institutions and the double challenges of German unification and European integration Andreas Busch; 6. Economic policy management: catastrophic equilibrium, tipping points and crisis interventions Kenneth Dyson; 7. Industrial relations: from state weakness as strength to state weakness as weakness. Welfare corporatism and the private use of the public interest Wolfgang Streeck; 8. Social policy: crisis and transformation Roland Czada; 9. Immigration and integration policy: between incrementalism and non-decisions Simon Green; 10. Environmental policy: the law of diminishing returns? Charles Lees; 11. Administrative reform Kluas H. Goetz; 12. European policy-making: between associated sovereignty and semisovereignty William E. Paterson; 13. Conclusion: semisovereignty in United Germany Peter J. Katzenstein.

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The Politics of the New Germany continues to provide the most comprehensive, authoritative and up-to-date textbook on contemporary German Politics. The text takes a new approach to understanding politics in the post-unification Federal Republic. Assuming only elementary knowledge, it focuses on a series of the most important debates and issues in Germany today with the aim of helping students understand both the workings of the country's key institutions and some of the most important policy challenges facing German politicians. For this second edition, the content has been comprehensively updated throughout, augmented by additional factboxes and data, and features new material on: •Grand coalition •Lisbon treaty •Constitutional court •Financial crisis •Reform of social policy •Afghanistan. Written in a straightforward style by three experts, each of the chapters draws on a rich variety of real-world examples. In doing so, it highlights both the challenges and opportunities facing policy-makers in such areas as foreign affairs, economic policy, immigration, identity politics and institutional reform. The book also takes a bird’s-eye view of the big debates that have defined German politics over time, regardless of which political parties happened to be in power. It pinpoints three key themes that have characterised German politics over the last sixty years; reconciliation, consensus and transformation. The book is a comprehensive, yet highly accessible, overview of politics in 21st Century Germany and should be essential reading for students of politics and international relations, as well as of European and German studies.