Combining probabilistic land-use change and tree population dynamics modelling to simulate responses in mountain forests

Altitudinal tree lines are mainly constrained by temperature, but can also be influenced by factors such as human activity, particularly in the European Alps, where centuries of agricultural use have affected the tree-line. Over the last decades this trend has been reversed due to changing agricultural practices and land-abandonment. We aimed to combine a statistical land-abandonment model with a forest dynamics model, to take into account the combined effects of climate and human land-use on the Alpine tree-line in Switzerland. Land-abandonment probability was expressed by a logistic regression function of degree-day sum, distance from forest edge, soil stoniness, slope, proportion of employees in the secondary and tertiary sectors, proportion of commuters and proportion of full-time farms. This was implemented in the TreeMig spatio-temporal forest model. Distance from forest edge and degree-day sum vary through feed-back from the dynamics part of TreeMig and climate change scenarios, while the other variables remain constant for each grid cell over time. The new model, TreeMig-LAb, was tested on theoretical landscapes, where the variables in the land-abandonment model were varied one by one. This confirmed the strong influence of distance from forest and slope on the abandonment probability. Degree-day sum has a more complex role, with opposite influences on land-abandonment and forest growth. TreeMig-LAb was also applied to a case study area in the Upper Engadine (Swiss Alps), along with a model where abandonment probability was a constant. Two scenarios were used: natural succession only (100% probability) and a probability of abandonment based on past transition proportions in that area (2.1% per decade). The former showed new forest growing in all but the highest-altitude locations. The latter was more realistic as to numbers of newly forested cells, but their location was random and the resulting landscape heterogeneous. Using the logistic regression model gave results consistent with observed patterns of land-abandonment: existing forests expanded and gaps closed, leading to an increasingly homogeneous landscape.

Value for Money and Policy Review of the Economic Cost and Charges Associated with Private and Semi-Private Treatment Services in Public Hospitals - Final Report

This Value for Money and Policy Review (VFM&PR) of the Economic Cost and Charges Associated with Private and Semi-Private Treatment Services in Public Hospitals was initiated by the Department of Health and Children in June 2009 and was conducted under the auspices of the Governmentâ?Ts Value for Money & Policy Review Initiative 2009-2011. The Review was overseen by an independently chaired National Steering Group comprised of senior representatives from the Department of Health and Children, the Department of Finance, and the Health Service Executive (HSE). Download document here Download Explanatory Note  

Value for Money and Policy Review of the Economic Cost and Charges Associated with Private and Semi-Private Treatment Services in Public Hospitals - Interim Report

This report sets out a revised costing methodology and an estimate of the gap which currently exists between private and semi-private bed charges and the average economic cost. While the Steering Group considers the costing methodology proposed as an improvement on the approach taken in previous years and a good overall approximation of the difference on average between economic costs and current charges, it recognises that the current charging regime does not take sufficient account of the variation between different categories of patient. Download document here Note to Readers

Characterization of tumor antigen specific CD8+ T cells and semi-invariant Vα24/Vβ11 NKT cells in tumor invaded liver

Summary: Detailed knowledge on tumor antigen expression and specific immune cells is required for a rational design of immunotherapy for patients with tumor invaded liver. In this study, we confirmed that Cancer/Testis (CT) tumor-associated antigens are frequently expressed in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) and searched for the presence of CD8+ T cells specific for these antigens. In 2/10 HLA-A2+ patients with HCC, we found that MAGE-A10 and/or SSX-2 specific CD8+ T cells naturally responded to the disease, since they were enriched in tumor lesions but not in non-tumoral liver. Isolated T cells specifically and strongly killed tumor cells in vitro, suggesting that these CTL were selected in vivo for high avidity antigen recognition, providing the rational for specific immunotherapy of HCC, based on immunization with CT antigens such as MAGE-Al 0 and SSX-2. Type 1 NKT cells express an invariant TCR α chain (Vα24.1α18, paired with Vβ11 in human) and share a specific reactivity to αGalactosylceramide (αGC) presented by CD1d. These cells can display paradoxical immuno-regulatory properties including strong anti-tumor effects upon αGC administration in murine models. To understand why NKT cells were not sufficiently protective against tumor development in patients with tumor invaded liver, we characterized the diversity of Vα24/Vβ11 NKT cells in healthy donors (HD) and cancer patients: NKT cells from HD and patients were generally diverse in terms of TCR β chain (Vβ11) variability and NKT cells from HD showed a variable recognition of αGC loaded CD 1 d multimers. Vα24/ Vβ11 NKT cells can be divided in 3 populations, the CD4, DN (CD4-/CD8-) and CD8 NKT cell subsets that show distinct ability of cytokine production. In addition, our functional analysis revealed that DN and CD8 subsets displayed a higher cytolytic potential and a weaker IFNγ release than the CD4 NKT cell subset. NKT cell subsets were variably represented in the blood of HD and cancer patients. However, HD with high NKT cell frequencies displayed an enrichment of the DN and CD8 subsets, and few of them were suggestive of an oligoclonal expansion in vivo. Comparable NKT cell frequencies were found between blood, non-tumoral liver and tumor of patients. In contrast, we identified a gradual enrichment of CD4 NKT cells from blood to the liver and to the tumor, together with a decrease of DN and CD8 NKT cell subsets. Most patient derived NKT cells were unresponsive upon αGalactosylceramide stimulation ex vivo; NKT cells from few patients displayed a weak responsiveness with different cytokine polarization. The NKT cell repertoire was thus different in tumor tissue, suggesting that CD4 NKT cells infiltrating tumors may be detrimental for protection against tumors and instead may favour the tumor growth/recurrence as recently reported in mice. Résumé en français scientifique : Afin de développer le traitement des patients porteurs d'une tumeur dans le foie par immunothérapie, de nouvelles connaissances sont requises concernant l'expression d'antigènes par les tumeurs et les cellules immunitaires spécifiques de ces antigènes. Nous avons vérifié que des antigènes associés aux tumeurs, tels que les antigènes « Cancer-Testis » (CT), sont fréquemment exprimés par le carcinome hepatocéllulaire (CHC). La recherche de lymphocytes T CD8+ spécifiques (CTL) de ces antigènes a révélé que des CTL spécifiques de MAGE-A10 et/ou SSX-2 ont répondu naturellement à la tumeur chez 2/10 patients étudiés. Ces cellules étaient présentes dans les lésions tumorales mais pas dans le foie adjacent. De plus, ces CTL ont démontré une activité cytolytique forte et spécifique contre les cellules tumorales in vitro, ce qui suggère que ces CTL ont été sélectionnés pour une haute avidité de reconnaissance de l'antigène in vivo. Ces données fournissent une base pour l'immunothérapie spécifique du CHC, en proposant de cibler les antigènes CT tels que MAGE-A10 ou SSX-2. Les cellules NKT de type 1 ont une chaîne α de TCR qui est invariante (chez l'homme, Vα24Jα18, apparié avec Vβ11) et reconnaissent spécifiquement l'αGalactosylceramide (αGC) présenté par CD1d. Ces cellules ont des propriétés immuno¬régulatrices qui peuvent être parfois contradictoires et leur activation par l'αGC induit une forte protection anti-tumorale chez la souris: Afin de comprendre pourquoi ces cellules ne sont pas assez protectrices contre le développement des tumeurs dans le foie chez l'homme, nous avons étudié la diversité des cellules NKT Vα24/Vβ11 d'individus sains (IS) et de patients cancéreux. Les cellules NKT peuvent être sous-divisées en 3 populations : Les CD4, DN (CD4- /CD8-) ou CDS, qui ont la capacité de produire des cytokines différentes. Nos analyses fonctionnelles ont aussi révélé que les sous-populations DN et CD8 ont un potentiel cytolytique plus élevé et une production d'IFNγ plus faible que la sous-population CD4. Ces sous-populations sont représentées de manière variable dans le sang des IS ou des patients. Cependant, les IS avec un taux élevé de cellules NKT ont un enrichissement des sous- populations DN ou CDS, et certains suggèrent qu'il s'agit d'une expansion oligo-clonale in vivo. Les patients avaient des fréquences comparables de cellules NKT entre le sang, le foie et la tumeur. Par contre, la sous-population CD4 était progressivement enrichie du sang vers le foie et la tumeur, tandis que les sous-populations DN ou CD8 était perdues. La plupart des cellules NKT des patients ne réagissaient pas lors de stimulation avec l'αGC ex vivo et les cellules NKT de quelques patients répondaient faiblement et avec des polarisations de cytokines différentes. Ces données suggèrent que les cellules NKT CD4, prédominantes dans les tumeurs, sont inefficaces pour la lutte anti-tumorale et pourraient même favoriser la croissance ou la récurrence tumorale. Donc, une mobilisation spécifique des cellules NKT CD4 négatives par immunothérapie pourrait favoriser l'immunité contre des tumeurs chez l'homme. Résumé en français pour un large public Au sein des globules blancs, les lymphocytes T expriment un récepteur (le TCR), qui est propre à chacun d'entre eux et leur permet d'accrocher de manière très spécifique une molécule appelée antigène. Ce TCR est employé par les lymphocytes pour inspecter les antigènes associés avec des molécules présentatrices à la surface des autres cellules. Les lymphocytes T CD8 reconnaissent un fragment de protéine (ou peptide), qui est présenté par une des molécules du Complexe Majeur d'Histocompatibilité de classe I et tuent la cellule qui présente ce peptide. Ils sont ainsi bien adaptés pour éliminer les cellules qui présentent un peptide issu d'un virus quand la cellule est infectée. D'autres cellules T CD8 reconnaissent des peptides comme les antigènes CT, qui sont produits anormalement par les cellules cancéreuses. Nous avons confirmé que les antigènes CT sont fréquemment exprimés par le cancer du foie. Nous avons également identifié des cellules T CD8 spécifiques d'antigènes CT dans la tumeur, mais pas dans le foie normal de 2 patients sur 10. Cela signifie que ces lymphocytes peuvent être naturellement activés contre la tumeur et sont capables de la trouver. De plus les lymphocytes issus d'un patient ont démontré une forte sensibilité pour reconnaître l'antigène et tuent spécifiquement les cellules tumorales. Les antigènes CT représentent donc des cibles intéressantes qui pourront être intégrés dans des vaccins thérapeutiques du cancer du foie. De cette manière, les cellules T CD8 du patient lui-même pourront être induites à détruire de manière spécifique les cellules cancéreuses. Un nouveau type de lymphocytes T a été récemment découvert: les lymphocytes NKT. Quand ils reconnaissent un glycolipide présenté par la molécule CD1d, ils sont capables, de manière encore incomprise, d'initier, d'augmenter, ou à l'inverse d'inhiber la défense immunitaire. Ces cellules NKT ont démontré qu'elles jouent un rôle important dans la défense contre les tumeurs et particulièrement dans le foie des souris. Nous avons étudié les cellules NKT de patients atteints d'une tumeur dans le foie, afin de comprendre pourquoi elles ne sont pas assez protectrice chez l'homme. Les lymphocytes NKT peuvent être sous-divisés en 3 populations: Les CD4, les DN (CD4-/CD8-) et les CD8. Ces 3 classes de NKT peuvent produire différents signaux chimiques appelés cytokines. Contrairement aux cellules NKT DN ou CDS, seules les cellules NKT CD4 sont capables de produire des cytokines qui sont défavorables pour la défense anti-tumorale. Par ailleurs nous avons trouvé que les cellules NKT CD4 tuent moins bien les cellules cancéreuses que les cellules NKT DN ou CD8. L'analyse des cellules NKT, fraîchement extraites du sang, du foie et de la tumeur de patients a révélé que les cellules NKT CD4 sont progressivement enrichies du sang vers le foie et la tumeur. La large prédominance des NKT CD4 à l'intérieur des tumeurs suggère que, chez l'homme, ces cellules sont inappropriées pour la lutte anti-tumorale. Par ailleurs, la plupart des cellules NKT de patients n'étaient pas capables de produire des cytokines après stimulation avec un antigène. Cela explique également pourquoi ces cellules ne protègent pas contre les tumeurs dans le foie.

Acute schistosomiasis outbreak in the metropolitan area of Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais: alert about the risk of unnoticed transmission increased by growing rural tourism

The present article describes the occurrence of 17 cases of acute schistosomiasis in the metropolitan area of Belo Horizonte, state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. All individuals affected took a bath in a swimming pool of a holiday resort that was provided with water from a nearby brook. The apparently clean water and the absence of snails in the pool gave the wrong impression that there was no risk for infection. During a malacological survey at the site snails of the species Biomphalaria glabrata were found and tested positive for Schistosoma mansoni. All the patients live in the middle-class area of Barreiro, metropolitan area of Belo Horizonte and have medium grade school education. The difficulties in establishing the right diagnosis is expressed by the search for medical attention in 17 different medical facilities, the wide range of laboratory test and the inadequate treatment administration. A lack of knowledge about the disease was found in all groups studied. The booming rural tourism in endemic areas is identified as a probable risk factor for infection, especially for individuals of the non-immune middle and upper class parts of the society in urban centers. Special attention is given to a multidisciplinary approach to the complex issue of disease control and prevention.

Rôle des paramètres sociopolitiques et des connaissances dans la gestion des risques hydrologiques

Résumé Rôle des paramètres sociopolitiques et des connaissances dans la gestion des risques hydrologiques¦La recherche analyse (1) la mise en oeuvre de la gestion des risques hydrologiques et (2) les connaissances dont disposent les acteurs sur ces derniers, ainsi que (3) les interdépendances entre ces deux volets. Au total, trois études de cas ont été réalisées dont deux études régionales (ville de Berne, commune de Saillon) et une étude sur un acteur spécifique (les corporations de digues dans le canton de Berne). Les données empiriques ont été obtenues par des entretiens oraux semi-directifs et des enquêtes écrites.¦La gestion des risques hydrologiques est fortement influencée par des paramètres sociopolitiques, c'est-à-dire par les intérêts et les objectifs des acteurs, par les rapports de force entre ceux-ci ainsi que par les processus de négociation et de décision. Dans la pratique, les démarches de gestion se restreignent toutefois majoritairement aux aspects physiques, techniques et administratifs des risques hydrologiques. La dimension sociopolitique est ainsi négligée, ce qui est source de conflits qui ralentissent considérablement la planification de la protection contre les crues, voire la bloquent même complètement. La gestion des risques hydrologiques est en outre largement focalisée sur la réduction des aléas. Lés débats sur la vulnérabilité sont nettement plus rares bien qu'ils soient indispensables lorsqu'il s'agit de traiter les risques de façon holistique.¦Etant donné l'importance de la dimension sociopolitique et de la vulnérabilité, il est nécessaire que les démarches prévues dans la gestion des risques hydrologiques soient reconsidérées et adaptées. De plus, une meilleure intégration de tous les acteurs concernés est primordiale afin de trouver des solutions qui soient acceptables pour une majorité. Pour l'instant, le recours à des instruments de négociation est insuffisant.¦Les connaissances des risques hydrologiques et de leur gestion peuvent être classées en quatre répertoires (connaissances du système, de l'événement, de l'intervention et connaissances sociopolitiques) qui influent tous sur la réduction des risques. Parmi les facteurs les plus importants susceptibles de déclencher des transformations se trouvent l'occurrence de crues, la réalisation d'études (portant sur les aléas, la vulnérabilité, les mesures, etc.), l'échange de connaissances entre les acteurs, ainsi que la recherche de solutions lors de la gestion.¦Les caractéristiques des connaissances varient considérablement selon les acteurs. L'appartenance à un groupe donné ne permet toutefois pas à elle seule de déterminer l'état des connaissances : tous les acteurs peuvent avoir des connaissances pertinentes pour la gestion des risques. Les différences entre les acteurs rendent pourtant la communication compliquée. Ce problème pourrait être atténué par des médiateurs qui assureraient un travail de traduction. Dans la pratique, de telles instances manquent généralement.¦La gestion et les connaissances des risques hydrologiques sont fortement interdépendantes. L'état et les caractéristiques des connaissances déterminent directement la qualité de la protection contre les crues. Des lacunes ou des imprécisions peuvent donc entraîner une gestion non adaptée aux risques présents. Afin d'éviter une telle situation, il est important que les connaissances sur les risques hydrologiques et sur les possibilités d'y faire face soient régulièrement remises à jour. Ne devant pas se restreindre à l'expérience de crues passées, il est impératif qu'elles contiennent aussi des réflexions prospectives et des scénarios novateurs.¦La gestion n'est pas seulement demandeuse en connaissances, elle est également susceptible d'en générer de nouvelles et d'élargir les connaissances existantes. Il convient donc de considérer la création et le transfert de connaissances comme une tâche centrale de la gestion des risques.¦Zusammenfassung Die Rolle der soziopolitischen Parameter und des Wissens im Umgang mit hydrologischen Risiken¦Die Arbeit untersucht drei Themenbereiche: (1) den soziopolitischen Umgang mit hydrologischen Risiken, (2) das Wissen, über das die Akteure bezüglich der Hochwasserrisiken verfügen sowie (3) die Wechselwirkungen zwischen diesen beiden Themenfeldern. Insgesamt wurden drei Fallstudien durchgeführt, darunter zwei regionale Studien (Stadt Bern, Gemeinde Saillon) und eine Untersuchung eines spezifischen Akteurs (Schwellenkorporationen im Kanton Bern). Die empirischen Daten wurden anhand von halbstandardisierten Interviews und schriftlichen Umfragen erhoben.¦Das Management hydrologischer Risiken ist stark von soziopolitischen Parametern beeinflusst, d.h. von Interessen und Zielvorstellungen der Akteure, von Machtverhältnissen und von Verhandlungs- und Entscheidungsprozessen. Die in der Praxis vorgesehenen Schritte zur Reduktion der Hochwasserrisiken beschränken sich jedoch meist auf die physischen, administrativen und technischen Aspekte der Risiken. Die Vernachlässigung ihrer soziopolitischen Dimension führt zu Konflikten, welche die Planung von Hochwasserschutzprojekten deutlich verlangsamen oder gar blockieren. Des Weiteren konzentriert sich das Risikomanagement im Wesentlichen auf die Reduktion der Gefahren. Gesellschaftliche Debatten zur Vulnerabilität sind deutlich seltener, obschon sie für einen umfassenden Umgang mit Risiken unabdingbar sind.¦Angesichts der Bedeutung der soziopolitischen Dimension und der Vulnerabilität ist es notwendig, dass die Vorgehensweise im Risikomanagement überdacht und angepasst wird. Zudem ist eine bessere Integration aller betroffener Akteure unablässig, um mehrheitsfähige Lösungen zu finden. Zur Zeit ist der Rückgriff auf entsprechende Instrumente ungenügend.¦Das Wissen über hydrologische Risiken und deren Management kann in vier Repertoires eingeteilt werden (Systemwissen, Ereigniswissen, Interventionswissen, soziopolitisches Wissen), die alle bei der Reduktion von Risiken bedeutsam sind. Zu den wichtigsten Faktoren, die Wissenstransformationen auslösen, gehören Hochwasserereignisse, die Durchführung von Studien (zu Gefahren, zur Vulnerabilität, zu Massnahmen usw.), der Wissensaustausch zwischen Akteuren und die Suche nach Lösungen während des Risikomanagements.¦Die Merkmale der Wissensformen unterschieden sich stark zwischen den verschiedenen Akteuren. Die Zugehörigkeit eines Akteurs zu einer bestimmten Gruppe ist jedoch kein ausreichendes Kriterium, um dessen Wissensstand zu bestimmen: Alle Akteure können über Wissen verfügen, das für den Umgang mit Risiken relevant ist. Die Unterschiede zwischen den Akteuren gestalten die Kommunikation allerdings schwierig. Das Problem liesse sich entschärfen, indem Mediatoren eingesetzt würden, die als Übersetzer und Vermittler agierten. In der Praxis fehlen solche Instanzen weitgehend.¦Zwischen dem Umgang mit hydrologischen Risken und dem Wissen bestehen enge Wechselwirkungen. Der Zustand und die Eigenschaften der Wissensformen bestimmen direkt die Qualität des Hochwasserschutzes. Lückenhaftes und unpräzises Wissen kann demnach zu einem Risikomanagement führen, das den tatsächlichen Gegebenheiten nicht angepasst ist. Um eine solche Situation zu verhindern, muss das Wissen über Risiken und Hochwasserschutz regelmässig aktualisiert werden. Dabei darf es sich nicht auf die Erfahrung vergangener Hochwasser beschränken, sondern hat auch vorausschauende Überlegungen und neuartige Szenarien einzubeziehen.¦Das Risikomanagement benötigt nicht nur Wissen, es trägt auch dazu bei, neues Wissen zu t generieren und bestehendes zu erweitern. Die Erarbeitung und der Transfer von Wissen sind deshalb als zentrale Aufgaben des Risikomanagements zu betrachten.¦Abstract¦The role of socio-political parameters and of knowledge in the management of hydrological risks¦The purpose of the thesis is to analyse (1) the socio-political management of hydrological risks, (2) the knowledge about hydrological risks, and (3) the interaction between risk management and knowledge. Three case studies were carried out, two at a regional level (city of Berne, village of Saillon) and one about a specific stakeholder (the dyke corporations in the canton of Berne). Empirical data were collected by the means of semi-structured interviews and surveys.¦The management of hydrological risks is highly influenced by socio-political issues, i.e. by interests and goals of stakeholders, by the balance of power between stakeholders, as well as by negotiations and decision-making processes. In practice, however, risk management is mainly constrained by physical, technical, and administrative aspects. The neglect of the socio-political dimension may thus be the source of conflicts which significantly delay the planning and implementation of flood protection measures, or even stop them. Furthermore, risk management mostly concentrates on hazard reduction. Discussions on vulnerability issues are less frequent although they are fundamental for treating risks in a holistic manner.¦Because of the importance of the social-political dimension and of vulnerability issues, it is necessary that the common approach of managing hydrological risks is reconsidered and adapted. Moreover, the integration of all stakeholders that are concerned with hydrological risks is essential for finding solutions which are supported by a majority. For instance, the application of appropriate negotiation instruments is insufficient.¦Knowledge about hydrological risks and their management can be classified into four categories (system knowledge, event knowledge, intervention knowledge, socio-political knowledge) which are all influencing the reduction of risks. Among the most important factors that are likely to trigger knowledge transformations, one can point out flood events, studies about risk parameters (hazards, vulnerability, protection measures, etc.), knowledge exchange between stakeholders, and the search for solutions during risk management.¦The characteristics of knowledge vary considerably between stakeholders. The affiliation to a specific group is thus not a sufficient criterion to determine the quality of a stakeholder's knowledge: every stakeholder may have knowledge that is relevant for risk management. However, differences between stakeholders complicate the communication. This problem could be attenuated by mediators which ensure the translation between stakeholders. In practice, such instances are generally lacking.¦The management and knowledge of hydrological risks are highly interdependent. The state and the characteristics of the four categories of knowledge determine directly the quality of flood protection. Gaps and imprecison may thus lead to forms of management which are not adapted to the actual risks. This kind of situation can be avoided by updating regularly the knowledge about hydrological risks and about protection measures. However, knowledge must not be restricted to the experience of past floods. On the contrary, it is indispensable also to involve prospective reflections and new scenarios.¦Risk management does not only require knowledge, it may also generate new knowledge and enlarge existing knowledge. The creation and the transfer of knowledge has thus to be seen as a central task in risk management.

Growing up in Ireland. Key findings: infant cohort (at 3 years).

 The latest results from the study paint a picture of how these families are faring across a range of areas in their lives including their health, family life and financial and economic circumstances. In general the findings show that three-year-olds in Ireland are in good health with a few notable public health and related issues (including overweight and obesity), there is overall stability in family structures over the short term and that the recession has had a substantial effect on families with young children over the last number of years. These are the first longitudinal findings from the study. The first wave of fieldwork with the families of the Infant Cohort included approximately 11,100 nine-month-olds, their parents and carers. Interviews began in September 2008 and were completed in March 2009. Interviews for the second round of interviews with this cohort took place between January and August 2011. A total of 90% of the original sample of nine-month-olds were successfully re-interviewed. (A full download of the results released today, presented in three briefing documents can be found by clicking here. Key findings include: Health â?¢ Most of the children were described as being in good health; 75% were rated as very healthy and a further 23% were rated as healthy, but a few minor problems. Girls were more likely to be reported as very healthy (78%) compared with boys (72%). â?¢ One in four or almost one quarter of three-year-old children were overweight (19%) or obese (6%). â?¢ Childrenâ?Ts weight was related to household social class. 5% of children in families in the professional/managerial group were classified as obese at three years of age compared with 9% of those in the most disadvantaged social class group. However, at least one-fifth of children in every social class were overweight. â?¢ Childrens consumption of energy-dense foods such as crisps, sweets, chips, and non-diet fizzy drinks increased as parental education fell. 63% of children whose mother had a lower secondary education or less ate at least one portion of crisps compared with 36% of those from degree-level backgrounds, although consumption of biscuits/chocolates was over 70% for both groups of children. â?¢ Two-thirds (66%) of three-year-olds had received at least one course of antibiotics in the 12 months preceding the interview. Children with a full medical card (35% of the sample) or a GP-only medical card (5% of the sample) were more likely to have received a course of antibiotics than â?¢ Children with a full medical card received a higher number of antibiotic courses on average (2.6) compared with those without a medical card (2.1). â?¢ Just under 16% of three-year-old children were reported as having at least one longstanding illness, condition or disability. The most commonly reported illness types included Asthma (5.8%), Eczema/Skin allergies (3.9%) and Food/digestive allergies (1.2%) Family Life and Childcare â?¢ While the overall distribution of family structure was stable, there have been transitions from one-parent families to two-parent families and vice-versa over the 27 months between interview â?" approximately 2 to 3 percent in each direction. â?¢ 50% of three year olds were in some form of non-parental childcare for eight or more hours a week. The most common form used was centre-based childcare which almost tripled between nine months and three years, from 11% to 30%. â?¢ A similar percentage of grandparents were caring for children at both nine months and three years, 12% and 11% respectively. A total of 10% of three-year-olds were being minded by a childminder, an increase of 3 percentage points from when the children were nine months of age. â?¢ Children who were in some form of non-parental childcare were spending an average of 23 hours a week in their main type of childcare. â?¢ At time of interview the vast majority of mothers reported that they had regular contact with the Study Childâ?Ts grandparents (91%). In offering support to parents, grandparents were most likely to babysit (50%), and buy clothes (40%) at least on a monthly basis. One-parent families were more likely than two-parent families to receive financial support from grandparents with just under one-third (66%) of one-parent families receiving financial support from grandparents at least once every three months. â?¢ The most frequently used discipline technique was â?~discussing or explaining why the behaviour was wrongâ?T, with 63% of mothers saying they always did this. â?¢ 12% of mothers said they used â?~smackingâ?T as a form of discipline now and again and less than 1% used â?~smackingâ?T as a form of discipline more frequently. Over half reported that they never smacked the Study Child. Financial and Economic Circumstances â?¢ Just over half (53%) of mothers of three-year-olds worked outside the home, 38% said they were on home duties and 6% said they were unemployed. â?¢ The biggest change in terms of the work status of three-year-oldsâ?T parents was an increase in the percentage of unemployed fathers â?" 6% when the child was nine months rising to almost 14% when s/he was three years of age. â?¢ 61% of families of three-year-olds reported experiencing difficulties in making â?~ends meetâ?T. This was a substantial increase from 44% in the first round of interviews when the children were nine-months-old. â?¢ Almost two thirds (63%) of all families with three-year-olds reported that the recession had had a very significant or significant effect on them. â?¢ The most frequently recorded effects were: a reduction in wages (63%); canâ?Tt afford luxuries (54%), social welfare reduction (53%) and canâ?Tt afford/cut back on basics (32%). Growing Up in Ireland is a Government funded study tracking the development of two nationally representative cohorts of children: an Infant Cohort which was interviewed initially at nine months and subsequently at three years of age; and a Child Cohort which was interviewed initially at nine years and subsequently at 13 years of age. The study is being conducted by a consortium of researchers led by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) and Trinity College Dublin. For Further Information Please Contact: Jillian Heffernan Communications Officer, Growing Up in Ireland Tel: 01 896 3378 Mobile: 087 9016880This resource was contributed to our repository by the National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Mental health and growing up factsheet. Cannabis and mental health: information for young people.

About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet gives you some basic facts about cannabis and also how it might affect your mental health. Introduction Lots of young people want to know about drugs. Often, people around you are taking them, and you may wonder how it will make you feel. You may even feel under pressure to use drugs in order to fit in, or be â?~coolâ?T. You may have heard that cannabis is no worse than cigarettes, or that it is harmless. What is cannabis? The cannabis plant is a member of the nettle family that has grown wild throughout the world for centuries. People have used it for lots of reasons, other than the popular relaxing effect. It comes in two main forms: ï,§ resin, which is a brown black lump also known as bhang, ganja or hashish ï,§ herbal cannabis, which is made up of the dried leaves and flowering tops, and is known as grass, marijuana, spliff, weed, etc. Skunk cannabis is made from a cannabis plant that has more active chemicals in it (THC), and the effect on your brain is stronger. Because â?~streetâ?T cannabis varies so much in strength, you will not be able to tell exactly how it will make you feel at any particular time. What does it do to you? When you smoke cannabis, the active compounds reach your brain quickly through your bloodstream. It then binds/sticks to a special receptor in your brain. This causes your nerve cells to release different chemicals, and causes the effects that you feel. These effects can be enjoyable or unpleasant. Often the bad effects take longer to appear than the pleasant ones. ï,§ Good/pleasant effects: You may feel relaxed and talkative, and colours or music may seem more intense. ï,§ Unpleasant effects: Feeling sick/panicky, feeling paranoid or hearing voices, feeling depressed and unmotivated. Unfortunately, some people can find cannabis addictive and so have trouble stopping use even when they are not enjoying it. The effects on your mental health Using cannabis triggers mental health problems in people who seemed to be well before, or it can worsen any mental health problems you already have. Research has shown that people who are already at risk of developing mental health problems are more likely to start showing symptoms of mental illness if they use cannabis regularly. For example if someone in your family has depression or schizophrenia, you are at higher risk of getting these illness when you use cannabis. The younger you are when you start using it, the more you may be at risk. This is because your brain is still developing and can be more easily damaged by the active chemicals in cannabis. If you stop using cannabis once you have started to show symptoms of mental illness, such as depression, paranoia or hearing voices, these symptoms may go away. However, not everyone will get better just by stopping smoking. If you go on using cannabis, the symptoms can get worse. It can also make any treatment that your doctor might prescribe for you, work less well. Your illness may come back more quickly, and more often if you continue to use cannabis once you get well again. Some people with mental health problems find that using cannabis makes them feel a bit better for a while. Unfortunately this does not last, and it does nothing to treat the illness. In fact, it may delay you from getting help you need and the illness may get worse in the longer term. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Mental health and growing up factsheet. Drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know.

Information about drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know: information for parents, carers and anyone who works with young people. About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet offers practical advice for parents, teachers and carers who are worried that a young person is misusing drugs or alcohol. Why do I need to know about a young person using drugs or alcohol? Many young people smoke, drink alcohol and may try drugs. It is important you are aware of this and do not ignore it as a time when they are just having fun or experimenting. It doesnââ,‰"¢t take much for the young people to soon lose control and to need help to recover from this problem. How common is it? By the age of 16, up to half of young people have tried an illegal drug. Young people are trying drugs earlier and more are drinking alcohol. What are the different types of drugs which cause problems? The most commonly used, readily available and strongly addictive drugs are tobacco and alcohol. There are numerous others that can be addictive. Alcohol and cannabis are sometimes seen as ââ,¬Ëogatewayââ,‰"¢ drugs that lead to the world of other drugs like cocaine and heroin. Drugs are also classed as ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,‰"¢ andââ,¬Ëoillegalââ,‰"¢. The obviously illegal drugs include cannabis (hash), speed (amphetamines), ecstasy (E), cocaine and heroin. Using ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,‰"¢ drugs (like cigarettes, alcohol, petrol, glue) does not mean they are safe or allowed to be misused. It just means they may be bought or sold for specific purposes and are limited to use by specific age groups. There are clear laws regarding alcohol and young people. For more detailed information on various drugs, their side-effects and the law, see ââ,¬ËoFurther Informationââ,‰"¢ at the end of the factsheet. Why do young people use drugs or alcohol? Young people may try or use drugs or alcohol for various reasons. They may do it for fun, because they are curious, or to be like their friends. Some are experimenting with the feeling of intoxication. Sometimes they use it to cope with difficult situations or feelings of worry and low mood. A young person is more likely to try or use drugs or alcohol if they hang out or stay with friends or family who use them. What can be the problems related to using drugs or alcohol? Drugs and alcohol can have different effects on different people. In young people especially the effects can be unpredictable and potentially dangerous. Even medications for sleep or painkillers can be addictive and harmful if not used the way they are prescribed by a doctor. Drugs and alcohol can damage health. Sharing needles or equipment can cause serious infections, such as HIV and hepatitis. Accidents, arguments and fights are more likely after drinking and drug use. Young people are more likely to engage in unprotected sex when using drugs. Using drugs can lead to serious mental illnesses, such as psychosis and depression. When does it become addiction or problem? It is very difficult to know when exactly using drugs or alcohol is more than just ââ,¬Ëocasualââ,‰"¢. Addiction becomes more obvious when the young person spends most of their time thinking about, looking for or using drugs. Drugs or alcohol then become the focus of the young personââ,‰"¢s life. They ignore their usual work, such as not doing their schoolwork, or stop doing their usual hobbies/sports such as dancing or football. How do I know if there is a problem or addiction? Occasional use can be very difficult to detect. If the young person is using on a regular basis, their behaviour often changes. Look for signs such as: ïâ?s§ unexplained moodiness ïâ?s§ behaviour that is ââ,¬Ëoout of character' ïâ?s§ loss of interest in school or friends ïâ?s§ unexplained loss of clothes or money ïâ?s§ unusual smells and items like silver foil, needle covers. Remember, the above changes can also mean other problems, such as depression, rather than using drugs. What do I do if I am worried? If you suspect young person is using drugs, remember some general rules. ïâ?s§ Pay attention to what the child is doing, including schoolwork, friends and leisure time. ïâ?s§ Learn about the effects of alcohol and drugs (see websites listed below). ïâ?s§ Listen to what the child says about alcohol and drugs, and talk about it with them. ïâ?s§ Encourage the young person to be informed and responsible about drugs and alcohol. ïâ?s§ Talk to other parents, friends or teachers about drugs - the facts and your fears and seek help. If someone in the family or close friend is using drugs or alcohol, it is important that they seek help too. It may be hard to expect the young person to give up, especially if a parent or carer is using it too. My child is abusing drugs. What do I do? ïâ?s§ If your child is using drugs or alcohol, seek help. ïâ?s§ Do stay calm and make sure of facts. ïâ?s§ Don't give up on them, get into long debates or arguments when they are drunk, stoned or high. ïâ?s§ Donââ,‰"¢t be angry or blame themââ,‰?othey need your help and trust to make journey of recovery. Where can I get help? You can talk in confidence to a professional like your GP or practice nurse, a local drug project or your local child and adolescent mental health. They can refer your child to relevant services and they will be able to offer you advice and support. You may also be able to seek help through a school nurse, teacher or social worker. You can find this information from your local area telephone book or council website, or ask for the address from your health centre. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

Growing up in Ireland. Key findings: 13-year-olds. No. 2. Physical activity and obesity among 13-year-olds.

This Key Finding reports on data from the second wave of interviews with Growing Up in Ireland's Child Cohort. The 8,568 children and their families were first interviewed when the children were 9 years old, and then at age 13 years, when 7,400 were reinterviewed between August 2011 and February 2012.The findings show that boys and young people from more socially advantaged backgrounds were more likely to exercise, and that 13-year-olds who took more exercise (whether hard or light exercise) were less likely to be overweight or obese.While most of the young people in Growing Up in Ireland maintained a healthy weight over time, one in four was either overweight or obese, a finding similar to that at 9 years. Girls were also more likely to be classified as overweight or obese than boys. The majority of 13-year-olds were quite positive about their physical appearance, although a quarter rated themselves as below average in this respect, and girls tended to be less positive about their body image than boys. Dieting behaviours had also become evident at 13.To understand more fully the origins and course of overweight and obesity, the descriptive data in this Key Finding can be used in more complex analyses drawing on the rich data available on the child, family and other important contextual variables.This resource was contributed by the National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.

A Picture of breastfeeding in Ireland: Evidence from the Growing Up in Ireland study

Objectives: Describe the main patterns in breastfeeding Measure some of the predictors of “ Measure some of the consequences of “ Introduce some useful statistical techniques

Growing up in Ireland data in the Irish Qualitative Data Archive

Brian Merriman's presentation on the Growing up in Ireland data in the Irish Qualitative Data Archive

Ballybeg Family Growing Project

Ballybeg Family Growing Project aims to engage families living in the Ballybeg estate to raise their awareness and knowledge of healthy eating by providing a practical skills-based education programme of growing and cooking, taking a developmental approach.     Part of theCFI Programme 2013-2015 Initiative Type Community Food Growing Projects Nutrition Education and Training Programmes Location Wicklow Target Groups Families Partner Agencies safefood

Dunmanway Grow it Cook it Eat it - Growing Together

Growing Together will develop a community garden on unused land to help local families and groups to grow, cook and eat fruit and vegetables. The project aims to engage members of Dunmanway community in sharing and learning skills (including intergenerational cooperation) to promote healthy eating and wellbeing and to provide opportunities for growing and using food together in a fun, sustainable and inclusive way. Watch this space! Part of theCFI Programme 2013-2015 Initiative Type Community Food Growing Projects Nutrition Education and Training Programmes Location Cork Partner Agencies safefood Website http://dunmanwayfrc.com/communityandoutreach/881/

Fettercairn Growing Community Roots

Fettercairn Growing Community Roots will deliver a range of programmes around exercise and healthy eating to improve, encourage and integrate the target schools into the wider local community through linkages with community based projects e.g. Fettercairn Community Garden. Part of theCFI Programme 2013-2015 Initiative Type Community Food Growing Projects Nutrition Education and Training Programmes Location Dublin 24 Partner Agencies safefood