550 resultados para presidents


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One leaf containing a handwritten note intended to justify the expenses of the College with financial figures about the salaries of past presidents and a list of the College's physical plant intended to indicate that "the annual charge for repairs & incidental expenses, it is hoped, will not appear immodest." The note is undated, but the "present arrears" of the College is listed as £198 indicating it was written before the use of the dollar sign. The note is accompanied by a brown paper packet marked "College Sundries" that originally housed the item.

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This subseries contains one printed bond for Loammi Baldwin and Joseph Bartlett of Woburn County in the sun of two-hundred ounces of silver to the Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College.

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The first volume of the College Papers contains original documents dating from 1651 to 1763. It also contains documents dating from 1787, 1817, and 1889, a 1886 photograph of the Charter of 1650, 19th century manscript and 20th century photostat copies of original documents. The documents span the tenures of presidents Increase Mather, John Leverett, Benjamin Wadsworth, and Edward Holyoke.

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The second volume of the College Papers contains original documents dating from 1764 to 1785, spanning the tenures of presidents Edward Holyoke, Samuel Locke, Samuel Langdon, acting president Edward Wigglesworth, and Joseph Willard, as well as treasurers Thomas Hubbard, John Hancock, and Ebenezer Storer. It also contains a document from 1793.

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The sixth volume of College Papers contains original documents dating from 1809 to 1811, spanning the tenures of presidents Samuel Webber and John Thornton Kirkland, and treasurers Jonathan Jackson and John Davis. Much of the volume consists of general administrative correspondence exchanged between Kirkland and Davis.

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The first volume of the College Papers contains original documents dating from 1651 to 1763. It also contains documents dating from 1787, 1817, and 1889, a 1886 photograph of the Charter of 1650, 19th century manscript and 20th century photostat copies of original documents. The documents span the tenures of presidents Increase Mather, John Leverett, Benjamin Wadsworth, and Edward Holyoke.

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The second volume of the College Papers contains original documents dating from 1764 to 1785, spanning the tenures of presidents Edward Holyoke, Samuel Locke, Samuel Langdon, acting president Edward Wigglesworth, and Joseph Willard, as well as treasurers Thomas Hubbard, John Hancock, and Ebenezer Storer. It also contains a document from 1793.

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The sixth volume of College Papers contains original documents dating from 1809 to 1811, spanning the tenures of presidents Samuel Webber and John Thornton Kirkland, and treasurers Jonathan Jackson and John Davis. Much of the volume consists of general administrative correspondence exchanged between Kirkland and Davis.

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Two folio-sized leaves with a handwritten draft of the May 3, 1654 report of a General Court Committee authorized to investigate the financial state of Harvard College. The report responds directly to eight questions raised in the September 10, 1653 Order of the General Court that established the Committee. The report provides summaries of Harvard's income sources and disbursements, offers recommendations regarding the President's salary and the allowances for the academic Fellows, steward, butler, and cook, and indicates specific contributions from local towns.

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One-page handwritten letter from Harvard President Edward Holyoke (1689-1769) requesting that the letter's unidentified recipient locate a book on academic costume previously mentioned by "Secry Oliver," referring to the Secretary of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, Andrew Oliver (1706-1774; Harvard AB 1724). In the letter, Holyoke explained that College alumni wished to give him a gown, and he wanted to determine the appropriate design for the head of a college. The recipient of the letter is identified only as "My dear Child" from "Yo'r Affect. Father, E. Holyoke." The letter also includes the note, "Give my love to my Dau'ter."

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Willard informs his parents of the death of Deacon Fairbank. He assures them that on his return to Cambridge, he was “received with great apparent cordiality both by the government + the president’s family.” He also reports on the health of President Willard, whose health has improved. Willard concludes the letter by asking for money to pay his expenses.

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A visible change of priorities and re-structuring of portfolios in the new European Commission have raised questions about related policy implications especially for climate and energy policies. On the one hand, it is seen that the new structure with Vice Presidents as team leaders for groups of Commissioners could encourage much needed policy coordination between policy areas, such as climate and energy policies. At the same time there are questions over what this could mean for political priorities, to what extent the Vice Presidents will be able to guide policy-making and how responsibilities will be divided. No matter what the structure of the Commission, it is in the EU’s interest to ensure that its climate and energy policies form a framework for action that helps to reduce global emissions, fight climate change locally and globally, secure energy supplies, promote wider socio-economic interests and increase competitiveness – all at the same time.

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In June 2003, during a meeting held in Saloniki, the leaders of European Union member states turned to the presidents and heads of the governments of five Western Balkans nations – Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, Macedonia, and Albania – assuring them that Brussels sees a future for the entire region in Europe and that, without their membership in the EU, the integration of the continent would not be complete. Of these five – actually six, as Kosovo’s protectorate was represented by a separate delegation: the Prime Minister, President, the Head of the international administration, and a representative of the Serbian party – only Croatia can count on quick integration. The membership of the remaining countries is being spoken of (unofficially) in the perspective of ten to fifteen years. However, no EU diplomat is able to answer the question of how the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo, with the EU, will look in practice – these two organisms exist solely owing to the will and efforts of the international community.

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The CEOs of Gazprom and China’s CNPC signed a contract concerning Russian gas supplies to China on 21 May 2014 in Shanghai. The contract had been under negotiation for many years and was signed in the presence of the two countries’ presidents. Under this 30-year deal, ultimately 38 billion m3 of natural gas will be exported annually from eastern Siberian fields (Chayandinskoye and Kovyktinskoye) via the Power of Siberia pipeline planned for construction in 2015–2019. The lengthy negotiation process (initial talks regarding this issue began back in the 1990s), the circumstances surrounding the signing of the contract (it was signed only on the second day of Vladimir Putin’s visit to Shanghai, and the Russian president’s personal engagement in the final phase of the talks turned out to be a key element) and information concerning the provisions of the contract (the clause determining the contract price has not been revealed) all indicate that the terms of the compromise are more favourable for China than for Russia. This contract is at present important to Russia mainly for political reasons (it will use the future diversification of gas export routes as an instrument in negotiations with the EU). However, the impact of this instrument seems to be limited since supplies cannot be redirected from Europe to Asia. It is unclear whether the contract will bring the anticipated long-term economic benefits to Gazprom. The gas price is likely to remain at a level of between US$350 and US$390 per 1000 m3. Given the high costs of gas field operation and production and transport infrastructure development, this may mean that supplies will be carried out at the margin of profitability. The Shanghai contract does not conclude the negotiation process since a legally binding agreement on gas pipeline construction has not been signed and not all of the financial aspects of the project have been agreed upon as yet (such as the issue of possible Chinese prepayments for gas supplies).

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In 2000, Vladimir Putin came to power after nearly a decade of the rule of the first Russian president, Boris Yeltsin. As prime minister, and later as a candidate for president, Putin announced that he would reform the state. The main assumptions of this reform were presented during a congress of the pro-Kremlin Unity movement, in Putin's address entitled 'Russia at the turn of the millennium' which was delivered on 29 December 1999, and later in a open letter to voters published on 25 February 2000. Both declarations were rather general, but they gave a clear picture of the principal directions of and priority areas for the future president's efforts: they outlined Russia's development path as pro-market and democratic. Nearly seven years have passed since Vladimir Putin came to power, a time for a summary of his achievements. In a way, Vladimir Putin has partially delivered on his initial declarations; indeed, Russia has undergone a deep transformation. However, when seen in the light of the president’s initial promises, the changes appear to be no more than 'counter-reforms', because instead of putting into practice the policy he outlined seven years ago, they have largely followed a different, if not entirely opposite direction.