Primary health care. Neoliberal continuities in “person-centered care”

This paper analyzes the document on primary health care (PHC) published by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2008, held to mark the thirtieth anniversary of the Declaration of Alma-Ata on PHC (1). Objective: to investigate in depth the assumptions outlined in the report, in order to problematize the notion of APS and universal access to health that are made in this proposal. Methodology: using documentary analysis examines the health proposal prepared by the international body and subjected to criticism from the following areas: a) conception of health as aright or as a service. b) Criteria commodified healthcare. Results: emphasize the permanence of a neoliberal perspective on the proposals WHO health reform in this document, which needs to be discussed in contexts where neoliberalism was intense processes of inequality and exclusion, as in the case of Latin America.

Parametric pension reform and the intensive margin of labor supply, evidence from Colombia

We analyze the effect of a parametric reform of the fully-funded pension regime in Colombia on the intensive margin of the labor supply. We take advantage of a threshold defined by law in order to identify the causal effect using a regression discontinuity design. We find that a pension system that increases retirement age and the minimum weeks during which workers must contribute to claim pension benefits causes an increase of around 2 hours on the number of weekly worked hours; this corresponds to 4% of the average number of weekly worked hours or around 14% of a standard deviation of weekly worked hours. The effect is robust to different specifications, polynomial orders and sample sizes.

Performance and efficiency in Colombia's power utilities: an assessment of the 1994 reform

El artículo describe las características centrales de la reforma regulatoria al sector eléctrico en 1994 y evalúa el desempeño y la eficiencia de las empresas públicas antes y después de la reforma. El análisis de desempeño evalúa los cambios en medias y medianas en ganancias, eficiencia, inversión y ventas de las empresas privatizadas en el sector. La eficiencia técnica es estimada mediante la técnica DEA en una muestra de 33 plantas térmicas de energía, que representan el 85% del parque térmico; y 12 empresas distribuidoras de energía. La muestra de plantas generadoras está compuesta por plantas que estaban activas antes de la reforma y plantas nuevas que entraron en operación después de la reforma. Los principales resultados muestran que la eficiencia mejoro después de la reforma y que la política regulatoria ha tenido un efecto positivo en la eficiencia de la generación térmica de energía. Por el contrario, las distribuidoras de energía menos eficientes empeoraron después de la reforma y no llevaron a cabo una reestructuración para alcanzar la eficiencia productiva respecto a las empresas que conforman la frontera de eficiencia en distribución de energía.

El proyecto neoliberal del rey Abdallah II. para Jordania: zonas francas y política exterior

Esta monografía busca explicar los intereses y resultados parciales obtenidos por la monarquía del Reino Hachemí de Jordania en el proyecto neoliberal de apertura económica y creación de zonas francas bajo el gobierno de Abdallah II., especialmente la región fronteriza de Al-Karameh y la relación bilateral con Irak, como parte de su política económica nacional e internacional. Para el análisis se utilizarán dos teorías de Relaciones Internacionales; la teoría de interdependencia compleja de Robert Keohane y Joseph Nye, y la aproximación teórica de régimen híbrido de Curtis Ryan y Jillian Schwedler. A partir de ambas, se definen dos variables, vulnerabilidad y régimen híbrido, a través de las cuales se da una respuesta a por qué Jordania se está convirtiendo en un Estado neoliberal.

Constructivism and ideology : lessons from the Spanish curriculum reform of the 1980s. 'Constructivismo e ideología: lecciones de la reforma curricular española en los ochenta'.

Monográfico con el título: 'Mejorar la escuela: perspectivas didácticas y organizativas'. Resumen basado en el de la publicación

Europe's single supervisory mechanism and the long journey towards banking union. Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/16, 4 October 2012

Problems in the banking system are at the core of the current crisis. The establishment of a banking union is a necessary (though not sufficient) condition for eventual crisis resolution that respects the integrity of the euro. The European Commission’s proposal for the establishment of a Single Supervisory Mechanism and related reform of the European Banking Authority (EBA) do not and cannot create a fully-fledged banking union, but represent a broadly adequate step on the basis of the leaders’ declaration of 29 June 2012 and of the decision to use Article 127(6) of the treaty as legal basis. The proposal rightly endows the European Central Bank (ECB) with broad authority over banks within the supervisory mechanism’s geographical perimeter; however, the status of non-euro area member states willing to participate in this mechanism, and the governance and decision-making processes of the ECB in this respect, call for further elaboration. Further adjustments are also desirable in the proposed reform of the EBA, even though they must probably retain a stopgap character pending the more substantial review planned in 2014.

The euro crisis: ten roots, but fewer solutions. Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/17, October 2012

Many factors have contributed to the euro crisis. Some have been addressed by policymakers, even if belatedly, and European Union member states have been willing to improve the functioning of the euro area by agreeing to relinquish national sovereignty in some important areas. However, the most pressing issue threatening the integrity, even the existence, of the euro, has not been addressed: the deepening economic contraction in southern euro-area member states. The common interest lies in preserving the integrity of the euro area and in offering these countries improved prospects. Domestic structural reform and appropriate fiscal consolidation, wage increases and slower fiscal consolidation in economically stronger euro-area countries, a weaker euro exchange rate, debt restructuring and an investment programme should be part of the arsenal. In the medium term, more institutional change will be necessary to complement the planned overhaul of the euro area institutional framework. This will include the deployment of a euro-area economic stabilising tool, managing the overall fiscal stance of the euro area, some form of Eurobonds and measures to make euro-area level decision making bodies more effective and democratically legitimate.

Smart choices for growth. Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/21, November 2012

Recovery in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain is held back in part by structural barriers. Overcoming these requires structural reform and public investment. Given the limited availability of political and financial capital, prioritising reform efforts and spending is important, but difficult. The different success factors for individual sectors are complementary. Using the example of the high-tech industry, we make the case that only investing in one success factor (eg broadband infrastructure) without having a sufficient endowment of others (eg education) is unlikely to make the sector successful. One consequence of the complementarity of the different success factors is that public investment and reform efforts should be fine-tuned in order to match the endowment of other factors. This might imply an increase in efforts to tackle several structural barriers at the same time, but it might also imply reducing investment in less promising fields. This in turn requires strategic thinking about whether it is worthwhile pursuing development strategies that require investment in many success factors but that do not promise much success. Such a strategic approach to public investment and reform efforts might make the allocation of scarce public financial and political capital more efficient.

Post-neoliberal electricity market ‘re-reforms’ in Argentina: Diverging from market prescriptions?

This paper focuses upon the policy and institutional change that has taken place within the Argentine electricity market since the country’s economic and social crisis of 2001/2. As one of the first less developed countries (LDCs) to liberalise and privatise its electricity industry, Argentina has since moved away from the orthodox market model after consumer prices were frozen by the Government in early 2002 when the national currency was devalued by 70%. Although its reforms were widely praised during the 1990s, the electricity market has undergone a number of interventions, ostensibly to keep consumer prices low and to avert the much-discussed energy ‘crisis’ caused by a dearth of new investment combined with rising demand levels. This paper explores how the economic crisis and its consequences have both enabled and legitimised these policy and institutional amendments, while drawing upon the specifics of the post-neoliberal market ‘re-reforms’ to consider the extent to which the Government appears to be moving away from market-based prescriptions. In addition, this paper contributes to sector-specific understandings of how, despite these changes, neoliberal ideas and assumptions continue to dominate Argentine public policy well beyond the postcrisis era.

The 2002 US Farm Bill: what's in it for CAP reform?

The 2002 U.S. Farm Bill (the Farm Security and Rural Investment Act or FSRIA) provides considerably more government subsidies for U.S. agriculture than Congress envisaged when it passed the preceding 1996–2002 FAIR Act. We review the FAIR record, showing how government subsidies increased greatly beyond those originally scheduled. For FSRIA, we outline key commodity, trade, and conservation and environmental provisions. We expect that the commodity programmes will: (a) encourage production when the market calls for less; (b) significantly increase subsidies over FAIR baseline subsidies; (c) press against current WTO and possible Doha Round support limits; and (d) aggravate trading partners. Finally, we suggest two lessons from the U.S. policy experience that might benefit those working on CAP and WTO reform. First, past research shows that farm programmes have little to do with the economic health of rural communities. Second, programme transparency, and especially public disclosure of the level of payments going to individual farmers, by name, influences the farm policy debate. Personalized data show what economists have long maintained—that the bulk of programme benefits go to a relatively few, large, producers—but do so in a way that captures the public and policy-makers' attention

The politics of CAP reform: Trade negotiations, institutional settings and blame avoidance

In this article we argue that the conclusion of the GATT Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and the subsequent role of the WTO has changed the international context of CAP policy-making. However, comparing the three latest CAP reforms, we demonstrate that pressures on the CAP arising from international trade negotiations cannot alone account for the way in which the EU responds in terms of CAP reform. The institutional setting within which the reform package was determined also played a crucial role. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the CoAM seems to be a more conducive setting than the European Council for undertaking substantial reform of the CAP. We suggest that the choice of institutional setting is influenced by the desire of farm ministers and of heads of state or government to avoid blame for unpopular decisions. When CAP reform is an integral part of a broader package, farm ministers pass the final decision to the European Council and when CAP reform is defined as a separate issue the European Council avoids involvement.

Ideational change in the WTO and its impacts on EU agricultural policy institutions and the CAP

This paper argues that the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) introduced the market liberal paradigm as the ideational underpinning of the new farm trade regime. Though the immediate consequences in terms of limitations on agricultural support and protection were very modest, the Agreement did impact on the way in which domestic farm policy evolves. It forced EU agricultural policy makers to consider the agricultural negotiations when reforming the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The new paradigm in global farm trade resulted in a process of institutional layering in which concerns raised in the World Trade Organization (WTO) were gradually incorporated in EU agricultural institutions. This has resulted in gradual reform of the CAP in which policy instruments have been changed in order to make the CAP more WTO compatible. The underlying paradigm, the state-assisted paradigm, has been sustained though it has been rephrased by introducing the concept of multifunctionality.

Developments in the Doha Round and WTO dispute settlement: some implications for EU agricultural policy

Progress in the Doha Round is assessed against the changes to the common agricultural policy (CAP) brought about by the Fischler reforms of 2003-2004, and that proposed for sugar. An elimination of export subsidies could place EU exports of processed foods at a competitive disadvantage because of high sugar and milk prices. Provided the single payment scheme falls within the green box, the likely new limits on domestic support should not be problematic for the post-Fischler CAP. However, an ambitious market access package could open up EU markets and bring pressure for further reform. If there is no Doha agreement, existing provisions will continue to apply, but without the protection of the Peace Clause; and increased litigation is likely. Further CAP reform is to be expected.

The 2003 CAP Reform: Accommodating WTO Pressures

In 2003, the EU agreed a major reform of the common agricultural policy (CAP). Its centrepiece was a new Single Payment Scheme (SPS). Policy concerns at the time involved the budget, EU enlargement to the East, the WTO negotiations, and a perception (articulated by Commissioner Fischler) that there should be a shift of budget funds from CAP's Pillar 1 (price and income support) to Pillar 2 (rural development). We outline these concerns, conclude that the WTO was the main driving force of the reforms, set out the key parameters of the new support scheme, and outline some thoughts on the durability of the reformed CAP in the face of continued internal and external pressures.