747 resultados para democratic rule


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In our exploration of the methodological possibilities and challenges of evaluation practice that foregrounds a democratic approach, we argue that having sensitivity to participants’ different positions, ideological perspectives, and values, and an understanding of the existing power relationships are paramount for the evaluators if the evaluation is to achieve its goals. This chapter draws on our experiences as evaluators in Australia, where school leaders and teachers are currently experiencing significant curriculum and assessment changes, and now work in a context of heightened accountability. Our evaluation practices with schools are used to illustrate how democratic practices can be incorporated into evaluation in ways that provide opportunities and support for school self-evaluation. It is paramount to recognise that evaluation is a political and ideological practice, and therefore is not a neutral process. Our argument is that it remains the responsibility of evaluators to design spaces that build sustainable relationships with participants and the targets of the programmes being evaluated; ensure that dialogue and deliberation are valued between all stakeholders; represent a range of interests; and give a service back to the evaluated communities by offering understandings and promoting reflective practice and informed decision-making throughout programme implementation.

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Paul Keating recently noted that what the Rudd Government lacked was an overall narrative or story. I would like to argue that Paul Keating is correct and suggest a narrative: that of retrieving and defending aspects of our social democratic heritage from some of the damaging effects wrought by neo-liberalism. Moreover I want to argue that criminal justice policy needs to be seen as a part of this broader narrative, which requires it being prised from its current site, where it is wedged firmly in the narrative of law and order.

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Detecting anomalies in the online social network is a significant task as it assists in revealing the useful and interesting information about the user behavior on the network. This paper proposes a rule-based hybrid method using graph theory, Fuzzy clustering and Fuzzy rules for modeling user relationships inherent in online-social-network and for identifying anomalies. Fuzzy C-Means clustering is used to cluster the data and Fuzzy inference engine is used to generate rules based on the cluster behavior. The proposed method is able to achieve improved accuracy for identifying anomalies in comparison to existing methods.

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Several websites utilise a rule-base recommendation system, which generates choices based on a series of questionnaires, for recommending products to users. This approach has a high risk of customer attrition and the bottleneck is the questionnaire set. If the questioning process is too long, complex or tedious; users are most likely to quit the questionnaire before a product is recommended to them. If the questioning process is short; the user intensions cannot be gathered. The commonly used feature selection methods do not provide a satisfactory solution. We propose a novel process combining clustering, decisions tree and association rule mining for a group-oriented question reduction process. The question set is reduced according to common properties that are shared by a specific group of users. When applied on a real-world website, the proposed combined method outperforms the methods where the reduction of question is done only by using association rule mining or only by observing distribution within the group.

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The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) is an institution besieged. It has endeavored to be democratic but its attempts to do so have been disastrous. The typical explanation for this is that the problem is with ICANN: it fails to meet its democratic obligations. My view is that the problem is with our understanding of "democracy." Democracy is an empty concept that fails to describe few, if any, of our genuine political commitments. In the real world, the failings inherent in "democracy" have been papered over by some unusual characteristics of the physical political process. However, in online trans-national institutions like ICANN, democracy is exposed as a poor substitute for a number of other conceptions of our political commitments. This Article seeks to articulate these political commitments and to explain why democracy and ICANN are such a poor mix. It begins by charting the rise of ICANN and its attempts to be democratic. It then explains why democracy is an empty shell of a concept. It then explores some features of democracy and ICANN, explaining why the online world exposes limitations in implications of democracy such as the nature of the demos, the idea of constituencies, direct democracy, voting, and the like. It concludes that ICANN's example demonstrates that democracy is in fact anything but a coherent general theory of political action. We need to consider, then, whether we should continue to berate ICANN for its undemocratic actions.

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Commercial legal expert systems are invariably rule based. Such systems are poor at dealing with open texture and the argumentation inherent in law. To overcome these problems we suggest supplementing rule based legal expert systems with case based reasoning or neural networks. Both case based reasoners and neural networks use cases-but in very different ways. We discuss these differences at length. In particular we examine the role of explanation in existing expert systems methodologies. Because neural networks provide poor explanation facilities, we consider the use of Toulmin argument structures to support explanation (S. Toulmin, 1958). We illustrate our ideas with regard to a number of systems built by the authors

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This paper presents a novel framework to further advance the recent trend of using query decomposition and high-order term relationships in query language modeling, which takes into account terms implicitly associated with different subsets of query terms. Existing approaches, most remarkably the language model based on the Information Flow method are however unable to capture multiple levels of associations and also suffer from a high computational overhead. In this paper, we propose to compute association rules from pseudo feedback documents that are segmented into variable length chunks via multiple sliding windows of different sizes. Extensive experiments have been conducted on various TREC collections and our approach significantly outperforms a baseline Query Likelihood language model, the Relevance Model and the Information Flow model.

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Digital signature is a breakthrough of modern cryptographic systems. A (t, n) threshold digital signature allows every set of cardinality t or more (out-of n) co-signers to authenticate a message. In almost all existing threshold digital signatures the threshold parameter t is fixed. There are applications, however, in which the threshold parameter needs to be changed from time to time. This paper considers such a scenario, in order to discuss relevant problems, and proposes a model that solves the related problems.

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The statutory arrangements for the management of natural resources in Australia confer powers of decision-making upon government agencies and, at the same time, restrict how these powers are to be exercised by reference either to stated criteria or in some instances to the public interest. These restrictions perform different functions according to their structure, form and language: for example they may be in the form of jurisdictional, deliberative or purposive rules. This article reviews how the offshore resources legislation of the Commonwealth and some examples of the onshore resources legislation of Queensland address the functions performed by the public interest in determining whether there is compliance with the principle of the rule of law.

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The emergence of the Internet is one of the most significant leaps in the history of humanity. Information, knowledge and culture are exchanged among masses of people through interconnected information platforms. These platforms enable our culture to be analysed and rewritten, and fundamentally opens our perceptions to a wide variety of concepts and beliefs. The connected networks of the Internet have shaped a virtual — but communicative — space where people can cross borders freely within a realm characterised by the ability to go anywhere, see anything, learn, compare and understand. This chapter focuses on the Libyan experience with social networking platforms in actualising democratic change in the uprising of 17 February 2011. After briefly outlining the political and economic situation under the regime of Colonel Mummar Ghaddafi, the chapter discusses the role that social networking platforms played during the struggle of the Libyan people for democratic change. Finally, it points out the positive changes that resulted from the uprising and the potential role that social media might play in the ongoing democratization and development of Libyan society.

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This thesis presents an empirical study of the effects of topology on cellular automata rule spaces. The classical definition of a cellular automaton is restricted to that of a regular lattice, often with periodic boundary conditions. This definition is extended to allow for arbitrary topologies. The dynamics of cellular automata within the triangular tessellation were analysed when transformed to 2-manifolds of topological genus 0, genus 1 and genus 2. Cellular automata dynamics were analysed from a statistical mechanics perspective. The sample sizes required to obtain accurate entropy calculations were determined by an entropy error analysis which observed the error in the computed entropy against increasing sample sizes. Each cellular automata rule space was sampled repeatedly and the selected cellular automata were simulated over many thousands of trials for each topology. This resulted in an entropy distribution for each rule space. The computed entropy distributions are indicative of the cellular automata dynamical class distribution. Through the comparison of these dynamical class distributions using the E-statistic, it was identified that such topological changes cause these distributions to alter. This is a significant result which implies that both global structure and local dynamics play a important role in defining long term behaviour of cellular automata.

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This paper offers a definition of elite media arguing their content focus will sufficiently meet social responsibility needs of democracy. Its assumptions come from the Finkelstein and Leveson Inquiries and regulatory British Royal Charter (2013). These provide guidelines on how media outlets meet ‘social responsibility’ standards, e.g. press has a ‘responsibility to be fair and accurate’ (Finkelstein); ethical press will feel a responsibility to ‘hold power to account’ (Leveson); news media ‘will be held strictly accountable’ (RC). The paper invokes the British principle of media opting-in to observe standards, and so serve the democracy. It will give examples from existing media, and consider social responsibility of media more generally. Obvious cases of ‘quality’ media: public broadcasters, e.g. BBC, Al-Jazeera, and ‘quality’ press, e.g. NYT, Süddeutscher Zeitung, but also community broadcasters, specialised magazines, news agencies, distinctive web logs, and others. Where providing commentary, these abjure gratuitous opinion -- meeting a standard of reasoned, informational and fair. Funding is almost a definer, many such services supported by the state, private trusts, public institutions or volunteering by staff. Literature supporting discussion on elite media will include their identity as primarily committed to a public good, e.g. the ‘Public Value Test’, Moe and Donders (2011); with reference also to recent literature on developing public service media. Within its limits the paper will treat social media as participants among all media, including elite, and as a parallel dimension of mass communication founded on inter-activity. Elite media will fulfil the need for social responsibility, firstly by providing one space, a ‘plenary’ for debate. Second is the notion of building public recognition of elite media as trustworthy. Third is the fact that elite media together are a large sector with resources to sustain social cohesion and debate; notwithstanding pressure on funds, and impacts of digital transformation undermining employment in media more than in most industries.