390 resultados para coopération hégémonique
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O trabalho analisa o caso conhecido como “chacina da fazenda Ubá”, ocorrido em 1985, em São João do Araguaia, município do sudeste do Estado do Pará, na Amazônia brasileira. Vai além da análise estritamente jurídica do caso, esmiuçando o escorço jurídico e sociológico que se estabelece anteriormente ao massacre, durante o litígio jurídico no plano interno e internacional perante o sistema interamericano de direitos humanos, e em momento posterior ao pleito judicial, o da implantação das medidas reparatórias. Demonstra, em todos esses momentos, a atitude do Estado face à violação de direitos amazônicos. Discorre amplamente sobre os dados fáticos do caso, de forma a situar o leitor na situação que servirá de base para as discussões da obra. Analisa ainda as origens do caso, demonstrando a existência de uma oligarquia forte na região de São João do Araguaia, que atuava de certa forma alicerçada na certeza de contar com a conivência do poder estatal, o que levou a um processo de concentração de terras em alguns segmentos sociais e a demanda por terras daqueles que não dispunham de meios para tanto. Quando da análise pormenorizada dos direitos violados, evidencia que houve violação de direitos não apenas no fato de ter havido um massacre, em si, mas também durante o próprio desenrolar judicial do processo de persecução criminal, que foi tumultuado e tão somente por isso já representou uma nova violação de direitos humanos. Dando seguimento ao acompanhamento do caso, mostra o pleito perante o sistema interamericano de direitos humanos e a postura não tão diligente do Estado brasileiro no sentido de cooperar inicialmente, restando inerte por alguns anos, mas manifestando-se de forma proativa em fins de 2010. A fase internacional do caso culminou no reconhecimento da responsabilidade pela negativa da proteção de direitos humanos por parte do Estado brasileiro, com a assinatura de uma solução amistosa. Aborda-se, por fim, o último momento do caso Ubá, o da implementação das medidas acordadas na solução amistosa, demonstrando a evolução da atitude do Estado em relação às violações de direitos humanos decorrentes de conflitos agrários.
Resumo:
O artigo analisa a realidade das escolas públicas do campo, inserindo suas particularidades nos desafios mais abrangentes que enfrentam os movimentos sociais populares do campo para assegurar o direito à universalização da Educação Básica, com qualidade socialmente referenciada e afirmativa da diversidade sociocultural e territorial que constitui o campo no Brasil. Ele socializa os resultados dos estudos realizados pelo Grupo de Estudo e Pesquisa em Educação do Campo na Amazônia (Geperuaz) sobre a realidade das escolas rurais com turmas multisseriadas, considerando o paradoxo existente entre o abandono e a precarização que caracteriza em grande medida as condições de existência dessas escolas e as ações criativas realizadas pelos professores e estudantes no cotidiano escolar, que desafiam as condições adversas nelas vivenciadas, indicando referências para a transgressão do paradigma seriado urbano de ensino atualmente hegemônico nessas escolas.
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O artigo discute a influência do movimento social rural sobre as mudanças na política de apoio ao pequeno produtor rural e para a criação de parcerias entre o Governo e as Organizações Locais para o desenvolvimento local na Amazônia, em particular no estado do Pará. O objetivo do artigo é examinar a parceria como um resultado de um processo interativo entre as mudanças nas políticas públicas e as demandas dos movimentos sociais. O artigo mostra que embora os movimentos sociais façam parte de uma relação conflituosa entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, tais movimentos no estado do Pará foram uma pré-condição para mudanças na política pública, estrutura de financiamento e prioridades das agencias regionais que resultaram em proposições para cooperação entre o Governo e as Organizações Locais em nível municipal.
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Project de Coopération Internationale pour le Développement complété par l'Université de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (ULPGC) et l'Université Gaston Berger, financié par la Direction Générale pour les relations avec l'Afrique du Gouvernement des Canaries et géré par le Centre Universitaire de Coopération Internationale pour le Développement (CUCID) de l'ULPGC et l'FULP, Setembre 2010-Février 2012.
Resumo:
Il continuo verificarsi di gravi incidenti nei grandi impianti industriali ha spinto gli Stati membri dell’Unione Europea a dotarsi di una politica comune in materia di prevenzione dei grandi rischi industriali. Anche a seguito della pressione esercitata dall’opinione pubblica sono state implementate, nel corso degli ultimi quarant’anni, misure legislative sempre più efficaci per la prevenzione e la mitigazione dei rischi legati ad attività industriali particolarmente pericolose. A partire dagli ultimi anni dello scorso secolo, l’Unione Europea ha emanato una serie di direttive che obbligano gli Stati membri ad essere garanti della sicurezza per l’uomo e per l’ambiente nelle zone circostanti a stabilimenti a rischio di incidente rilevante. In quest’ottica è stata pubblicata nel 1982 la Direttiva Seveso I [82/501/EEC], che è stata ampliata nel 1996 dalla Direttiva Seveso II [96/82/CE] ed infine emendata nel dicembre 2003 dalla Direttiva Seveso III [2003/105/CE]. Le Direttive Seveso prevedono la realizzazione negli Stati membri di una valutazione dei rischi per gli stabilimenti industriali che sono suscettibili a incendi, esplosioni o rilasci di gas tossici (quali, ad esempio, le industrie chimiche, le raffinerie, i depositi di sostanze pericolose). La Direttiva Seveso II è stata trasposta in legge belga attraverso “l’Accord de Coopération” del 21 giugno 1999. Una legge federale nel giugno del 2001 [M.B. 16/06/2001] mette in vigore “l’Accord de Coopération”, che è stato in seguito emendato e pubblicato il 26 aprile del 2007 [M.B. 26/04/2007]. A livello della Regione Vallona (in Belgio), la tematica del rischio di incidente rilevante è stata inclusa nelle disposizioni decretali del Codice Vallone della Pianificazione Territoriale, dell’Urbanismo e del Patrimonio [CWATUP]. In questo quadro la Regione Vallona ha elaborato in collaborazione con la FPMs (Faculté Polytechnique de Mons) una dettagliata metodologia di analisi del rischio per gli stabilimenti a rischio di incidente rilevante. In Italia la Direttiva Seveso II è stata recepita dal Decreto Legislativo n°334 emanato nell’agosto del 1999 [D. Lgs. 334/99], che ha introdotto per la prima volta nel quadro normativo italiano i concetti fondamentali di “controllo dell’urbanizzazione” e “requisiti minimi di sicurezza per la pianificazione territoriale”. Il Decreto Legislativo 334/99 è attualmente in vigore, modificato ed integrato dal Decreto Legislativo n°238 del 21 settembre 2005 [D. Lgs. 238/05], recepimento italiano della Direttiva Seveso III. Tra i decreti attuativi del Decreto Legislativo 334/99 occorre citare il Decreto Ministeriale n°151 del 2001 [D. M. 151/01] relativo alla pianificazione territoriale nell’intorno degli stabilimenti a rischio di incidente rilevante. L’obiettivo di questo lavoro di tesi, che è stato sviluppato presso la Faculté Polytechnique di Mons, è quello di analizzare la metodologia di quantificazione del rischio adottata nella Regione Vallona, con riferimento alla pianificazione territoriale intorno agli stabilimenti a rischio di incidente rilevante, e di confrontarla con quella applicata in Italia. La metodologia applicata in Vallonia è di tipo “probabilistico” ovvero basata sul rischio quale funzione delle frequenze di accadimento e delle conseguenze degli scenari incidentali. Il metodo utilizzato in Italia è “ibrido”, ovvero considera sia le frequenze che le conseguenze degli scenari incidentali, ma non la loro ricomposizione all’interno di un indice di rischio. In seguito al confronto teorico delle due metodologie, se ne è effettuato anche una comparazione pratica tramite la loro applicazione ad un deposito di GPL. Il confronto ha messo in luce come manchino, nella legislazione italiana relativa agli stabilimenti a rischio di incidente rilevante, indicazioni di dettaglio per la quantificazione del rischio, a differenza di quanto accade nella legislazione belga. Ciò lascia all’analista di rischio italiano una notevole arbitrarietà nell’effettuare ipotesi ed assunzioni che rendono poi difficile la comparazione del rischio di stabilimenti differenti. L’auspicio è che tale lacuna possa essere rapidamente superata.
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The welfare sector has seen considerable changes in its operational context. Welfare services respond to an increasing number of challenges as citizens are confronted with life’s uncertainties and a variety of complex situations. At the same time the service-delivery system is facing problems of co-operation and the development of staff competence, as well as demands to improve service effectiveness and outcomes. In order to ensure optimal user outcomes in this complex, evolving environment it is necessary to enhance professional knowledge and skills, and to increase efforts to develop the services. Changes are also evident in the new emergent knowledge-production models. There has been a shift from knowledge acquisition and transmission to its construction and production. New actors have stepped in and the roles of researchers are subject to critical discussion. Research outcomes, in other words the usefulness of research with respect to practice development, is a topical agenda item. Research is needed, but if it is to be useful it needs to be not only credible but also useful in action. What do we know about different research processes in practice? What conceptions, approaches, methods and actor roles are embedded? What is the effect on practice? How does ‘here and now’ practice challenge research methods? This article is based on the research processes conducted in the institutes of practice research in social work in Finland. It analyses the different approaches applied by elucidating the theoretical standpoints and the critical elements embedded in them, and reflects on the outcomes in and for practice. It highlights the level of change and progression in practice research, arguing for diverse practice research models with a solid theoretical grounding, rigorous research processes, and a supportive infrastructure.
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La philanthropie joue actuellement un rôle très important en Suisse. On estime que la moitié des personnes domiciliées en Suisse est active dans le champ d’action du bénévolat. Toutefois, cet objet d’études a longtemps été délaissé par les historiens. Ces deux panels viseront à rendre compte des recherches récentes en s’intéressant à la dimension comparative et transnationale de la philanthropie en Suisse de 1880 à nos jours. Deux dimensions seront privilégiées. D’une part, l’accent sera mis sur les rapports entre les associations philanthropiques privées et l’Etat social. Les études tendent le plus souvent à mettre l’accent sur l’opposition, dans le domaine social, entre activités de bienfaisance ou de bénévolat et les politiques publiques. Or, les relations entre ces deux pôles ne se résument pas à cette opposition et oscillent, selon les lieux et les périodes, entre coopération étroite et concurrence acharnée, à moins que ne s’instaure, comme cela semble le cas de la Suisse, une division du travail plus ou moins institutionnalisée. D’autre part, une attention toute particulière sera mise sur les jeux d’échelle. Les activités des associations philanthropiques couvrent des espaces géographiques très différents : certaines se concentrent sur un quartier urbain, d’autres se focalisent sur l’ensemble de la planète. Toutefois, nous postulons que cette spatialisation ne se confine pas à un antagonisme local/global. Bien au contraire, les différentes échelles – locale, nationale, globale ou transnationale – interagissent étroitement. Des contributions d’historiens étrangers permettront d’inscrire le cas suisse dans une perspective comparative.
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Le conseiller fédéral Didier Burkhalter a pris la direction du Département fédéral des affaires étrangères (DFAE). – Le parlement a octroyé un crédit de 11.35 milliards de francs pour la coopération internationale 2013-2016. – Le Conseil fédéral a activé la clause de sauvegarde envers les Etats de l’UE-8. – Les questions institutionnelles ont continué à bloquer les relations bilatérales avec l’UE. – L’Allemagne et les Etats-Unis ont maintenu la pression sur la place financière suisse lors des négociations d’accords de double-imposition. – Le peuple a refusé l’initiative de l’ASIN « La parole au peuple ! ». – La Suisse a pris position sur le conflit syrien en instaurant des sanctions contre le régime. – La Suisse a fêté ses 10 ans d’adhésion à l’ONU et a reçu son secrétaire général Ban Ki-Moon. – La Suisse a accueilli à Berne le Prix Nobel de la Paix Aung San Suu Kyi et a ouvert une ambassade au Myanmar.
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Increasing commercial pressures on land are provoking fundamental and far-reaching changes in the relationships between people and land. Much knowledge on land-oriented investments projects currently comes from the media. Although this provides a good starting point, lack of transparency and rapidly changing contexts mean that this is often unreliable. The International Land Coalition, in partnership with Oxfam Novib, Centre de coopération internationale en recherche agronomique pour le développement (CIRAD), University of Pretoria, Centre for Development and Environment of the University of Bern (CDE), and GIZ, started to compile an inventory of land-related investments. This project aims to better understand the extent, trends and impacts of land-related investments by supporting an ongoing and systematic stocktaking exercise of the various investment projects currently taking place worldwide. It involves a large number of organizations and individuals working in areas where land transactions are being made, and able to provide details of such investments. The project monitors land transactions in rural areas that imply a transformation of land use rights from communities and smallholders to commercial use, and are made both by domestic and foreign investors (private actors, governments, government-back private investors). The focus is on investments for food or agrofuel production, timber extraction, carbon trading, mineral extraction, conservation and tourism. A novel way of using ITC to document land acquisitions in a spatially explicit way and by using an approach called “crowdsourcing” is being developed. This approach will allow actors to share information and knowledge directly and at any time on a public platform, where it will be scrutinized in terms of reliability and cross checked with other sources. Up to now, over 1200 deals have been recorded across 96 countries. Details of such transactions have been classified in a matrix and distributed to over 350 contacts worldwide for verification. The verified information has been geo-referenced and represented in two global maps. This is an open database enabling a continued monitoring exercise and the improvement of data accuracy. More information will be released over time. The opportunities arise from overcoming constraints by incomplete information by proposing a new way of collecting, enhancing and sharing information and knowledge in a more democratic and transparent manner. The intention is to develop interactive knowledge platform where any interested person can share and access information on land deals, their link to involved stakeholders, and their embedding into a geographical context. By making use of new ICT technologies that are more and more in the reach of local stakeholders, as well as open access and web-based spatial information systems, it will become possible to create a dynamic database containing spatial explicit data. Feeding in data by a large number of stakeholders, increasingly also by means of new mobile ITC technologies, will open up new opportunities to analyse, monitor and assess highly dynamic trends of land acquisition and rural transformation.
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Die internationale Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ist im Umbruch. Die drohenden Auswirkungen des globalen Wandels halten uns vor Augen, wie klein und verletzlich unsere Erde ist. Es wird höchste Zeit, dass die Weltgemeinschaft die Kräfte für ein koordiniertes Vorgehen zu Gunsten einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung auf allen Ebenen bündelt. Dieser Beitrag zeigt einige wesentliche Elemente der Herausforderung und entwirft eine Positionierung aus Sicht einer internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, welche der Armutsbekämpfung und der nachhaltigen Entwicklung verpflichtet ist.
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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists
Resumo:
How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists