926 resultados para State-civil society relations
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The paper addresses the development of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in transition settings. Caught in the balance of knowledge exchange and translation of ideas from abroad, organisations in turbulent setting legitimise their existence by learning through professional networks. By association, organisational actors gain acknowledgement by their sector by traversing the corridors of influence provided by international partnerships. What they learn is how to conduct themselves as agents of change in society, and how to deliver on stated missions and goals, therefore, legitimising their presence in a budding civil society at home. The paper presents a knowledge production and learning practices framework which indicates a presence of dual identity of NGOs - their “embeddedness” locally and internationally. Selected framework dimensions and qualitative case study themes are discussed with respect to the level of independence of organisational actors in the East from their partners in the West in a post-socialist context. A professional global civil society as organisations are increasingly managed in similar, professional ways (Anheier & Themudo 2002). Here knowledge “handling” and knowledge “translation” take place through partnership exchanges fostering capable and/or competitive change-inducing institutions (Czarniawska & Sevon 2005; Hwang & Suarez 2005). How professional identity presents itself in the third sector, as well as the sector’s claim to expertise, need further attention, adding to ongoing discussions on professions in institutional theory (Hwang & Powell 2005; Scott 2008; Noordegraaf 2011). A conceptual framework on the dynamic involved for the construction professional fields follows: • Multiple case analysis provides a taxonomy for understanding what is happening in knowledge transition, adaptation, and organisational learning capacity for NGOs with respect to their role in a networked civil society. With the model we can observe the types of knowledge produced and learning employed by organisations. • There are elements of professionalisation in third sector work organisational activity with respect to its accreditation, sources and routines of learning, knowledge claims, interaction with the statutory sector, recognition in cross-sector partnerships etc. • It signals that there is a dual embeddedness in the development of the sector at the core to the shaping the sector’s professional status. This is instrumental in the NGOs’ goal to gain influence as institutions, as they are only one part of a cross-sector mission to address complex societal problems The case study material highlights nuances of knowledge production and learning practices in partnerships, with dual embeddedness a main feature of the findings. This provides some clues to how professionalisation as expert-making takes shape in organisations: • Depending on the type of organisations’ purpose, over its course of development there is an increase in participation in multiple networks, as opposed to reliance on a single strategic partner for knowledge artefacts and practices; • Some types of organisations are better connected within international and national networks than others and there seem to be preferences for each depending on the area of work; • The level of interpretation or adaptation of the knowledge artefacts is related to an organisation’s embeddedness locally, in turn giving it more influence within the network of key institutions; An overreaching theme across taxonomy categories (Table 1)is “professionalisation” or developing organisational “expertise”, embodied at the individual, organisational, and sector levels. Questions relevant to the exercise of power arise: Is competence in managing a dual embeddedness signals the development of a dual identity in professionalisation? Is professionalisation in this sense a sign of organisations maturing into more capable partners to the arguably more experienced (Western) institutions, shifting the power balance? Or is becoming more professional a sign of domestication to the agenda of certain powerful stakeholders, who define the boundaries of the profession? Which dominant dynamics can be observed in a broadly-defined transition country civil society, where individual participation in the form of activism may be overtaking the traditional forms of organised development work, especially with the spread of social media?
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Report on the Iowa State Civil Rights Commission for the year ended June 30, 2015
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The discussion of European cosmopolitanism and civil society has failed to take questions of culture seriously enough. While remaining sympathetic to liberal forms of cosmopolitanism, this article considers the view that such proposals fail to make space for the 'Other'. In the context of histories of nationalist violence, masculinism and consumerism this article discusses the charge that ideas of European civilization need to be reconsidered. In the final part of the article, I discuss the view that cultural feminism and certain versions of multiculturalism have much to contribute towards the European project. However, at this point, I seek to distance myself from essentialist arguments in respect of identity. A generative European cosmopolitanism would do well to take questions of cultural domination seriously without reducing the complexity of modern identities.
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En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.
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En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.
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En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.
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La tesi adotta una prospettiva etnostorica rafforzata da una metodologia etnografica per analizzare lo sviluppo dei processi di politicizzazione nel territorio boliviano dal periodo coloniale ad oggi, collocandoli all’interno di un più ampio sistema di relazioni economiche, politiche e sociali dettate dall’eterogeneo sviluppo del capitalismo globale; la tesi mostra sia il modo specifico in cui, nelle varie contingenze storiche, queste relazioni hanno riorganizzato l’«abigarrada» società boliviana e inciso sui processi di politicizzazione, sia il modo in cui i soggetti hanno contestato e messo in tensione tale riorganizzazione. Per l’analisi si partirà dalla posizione di quei soggetti che sono stati definiti alternativamente come indios, indigeni, campesinos nel territorio boliviano, guardando alle connessioni politiche che questi hanno messo in campo con diversi soggetti – donne, lavoratori, attivisti urbani. Questa posizione offre una «prospettiva epistemologica privilegiata» per indagare il modo in cui i movimenti sociali impattano nell’articolazione tra Stato, società civile e capitale, non perché tali soggetti sono portatori di un’autenticità alternativa al capitalismo, ma perché il modo in cui riattivano quell’insieme di miti, credenze e residui precapitalistici – i «resabios» – che concorrono alla «memoria larga» delle lotte, innestandoli su elementi introdotti dal capitalismo, mostra la loro capacità di sovvertire la posizione subalterna che la riproduzione del capitale nel territorio boliviano ha imposto loro. Si mostreranno anche le tensioni e i conflitti dati dalle diverse posizioni che donne e uomini, giovani e anziani, figure d’autorità e ‘base’ assumono all’interno della loro identificazione come indigeni. La ricerca permette di affermare che l’identità indigena è il prodotto della risposta istituzionale che di volta in volta è stata data per neutralizzare l’emergenza politica di soggetti la cui eterogeneità non ha impedito, ma al contrario ha reso possibile, un’accumulazione di forza tale da mettere in crisi gli assetti politici, economici e istituzionali dello Stato post-coloniale.
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Paper to be presented in ESREA 2007 ADC Network Seminar - Changing Relationships between the State, Civil Society and the Citizen: Implications for adult education and adult learning, 14 -16 June 2007 - University of Minho - Campus de Gualtar, Braga (Portugal).
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This article aims at testing empirically the relevance of the State/civil society dichotomy commonly used by political theorists through the question of the specific weight of MPs having a public sector background in Europe. It uses the DATACUBE data set in order to show that such an opposition is only relative because of the specific weight of the public sector in the parliamentary elite considered in a long-term perspective. The article focuses on the dynamics of this relevance and introduces nuances regarding variations across countries, sub-categories within the public sector and political parties.
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This article discusses the construction of tri-sector partnerships in three projects conducted in Brazil in different fields of intervention of public policy (access to water, basic education and performance of boards of rights of children and adolescents). Collaborative articulations involving the players from three sectors (the State, civil society and the market) are practices that are little studied in the Brazilian and even in the international context, as tri-sector partnerships are rare, despite the proliferation of lines of discourse in support of alliances between governments and civil society or between companies and NGOs in the management of public policy. As a research strategy, this study resorted to cooperative inquiry, a method that involves breaking down the boundaries between the subjects and the objects of the analysis. Besides working toward a better understanding of the challenges of building tri-sector partnerships in the Brazilian context, the article also tries to show the relevance to public policy studies of investigative methods based on the subjects studied, as a means of developing an understanding of the practices, lines of discourse and dilemmas linked to social action in social programs.
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La complexification de nos sociétés et les limites des instruments législatifs (rigidité, opacité, etc.) minent l’efficacité du droit. Il y a un besoin criant de renouveau entre ce que l’auteur appelle la société civile et les pouvoirs de décision C’est pourquoi sont apparues au fil des années des formes alternatives d’organisations collectives, ouvertes et autorégulées. On parle alors de gouvernance. L’auteur explique cette évolution de la relation droit/gouvernance non seulement par les limites de la législation à proprement parler mais également par le développement de nouvelles techniques et technologies comme Internet qui ouvrent la porte à de nouvelles possibilités de coordination plus efficaces ainsi qu’à la protection d’intérêts divers au même titre que la loi. Internet devient alors un nouvel observatoire d’où l’on peut développer de nouvelles méthodes de gouvernance, le tout dans une optique de consensus sur la norme. En effet, il ne s’agit pas ici d’écarter le droit au profit de nouvelles formes de gouvernance ou vice-versa. On cherche à créer un système complémentaire qui viendra pallier aux faiblesses d’une législation rigide et complexe par moment et qui produira tout de même une dynamique juridique au niveau national et international.
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Urban environmental depletion has been a critical problem among industrialized-transformed societies, especially at the local level where administrative authorities’ capacity lags behind changes. Derived from governance concept, the idea of civil society inclusion is highlighted. Focusing on an agglomerated case study, Bang Plee Community in Thailand, this research investigates on a non-state sector, 201-Community organization, as an agent for changes to improve urban environments on solid waste collection. Two roles are contested: as an agent for neighborhood internal change and as an intermediary toward governance changes in state-civil society interaction. By employing longitudinal analysis via a project intervention as research experiment, the outcomes of both roles are detected portrayed in three spheres: state, state-civil society interaction, and civil society sphere. It discovers in the research regarding agglomerated context that as an internal changes for environmental betterment, 201-Community organization operation brings on waste reduction at the minimal level. Community-based organization as an agent for changes – despite capacity input it still limited in efficiency and effectiveness – can mobilize fruitfully only at the individual and network level of civil society sectors, while fails managing at the organizational level. The positive outcomes result by economic waste incentive associated with a limited-bonded group rather than the rise of awareness at large. As an intermediary agent for shared governance, the community-based organization cannot bring on mutual dialogue with state as much as cannot change the state’s operation arena of solid waste management. The findings confine the shared governance concept that it does not applicable in agglomerated locality as an effective outcome, both in terms of being instrumental toward civil society inclusion and being provocative of internal change. Shared environmental governance as summarized in this research can last merely a community development action. It distances significantly from civil society inclusion and empowerment. However, the research proposes that community-based environmental management and shared governance toward civil society inclusion in urban environmental improvement are still an expectable option and reachable if their factors and conditions of key success and failure are intersected with a particular context. Further studies demand more precise on scale, scope, and theses factors of environmental management operation operated by civil society sectors.
Gobernanza Ambiental en América Latina: hacia una agenda de investigación integradora (Tema Central)
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América Latina juega un papel importante en relación con la Gobernanza Ambiental. El conocimiento generado por estudios empíricos y teóricos sobre los desafíos ambientales del presente pueden apoyar los renovados esfuerzos de la región por alcanzar un uso de los recursos naturales que sea equitativo y sustentable. A pesar de que los vínculos entre las dimensiones social y ambiental han sido explorados por la academia desde los años noventa, las nuevas tendencias de la Gobernanza Ambiental en América Latina requieren una aproximación analítica comprehensiva. Los autores argumentan que, a fin de potenciar las “perspectivas latinoamericanas” para la solución de los dilemas socioambientales, algunas corrientes de investigación deben juntarse en marcos analíticos integradores que puedan generar complejas preguntas relacionadas con las interacciones a múltiples niveles entre Estado, sociedad civil y actores de mercado.
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Uma democracia consolidada pressupõe um estado capaz, e para ambos é necessária uma nação forte e uma sociedade civil ativa. Diversas democracias na América Latina não alcançaram tais requisitos porque não completaram suas respectivas revoluções capitalistas, e o excedente econômico continua dependendo do controle direto do estado. Este fato demonstra que a qualidade das democracias varia de país para país, e prevê que as democracias possíveis nos países mais pobres serão necessariamente democracias limitadas. Desde que a democracia tornou-se uma justificativa para pressões e intervenções externas, é um erro incluir no conceito de democracia mais do que as necessidades mínimas, práticas. Por outro lado, para melhorar a democracia é necessário aumentar a capacidade do estado não apenas para assegurar o respeito às leis, mas também para promover o desenvolvimento econômico e social.