Inserção econômica intermediária e vulnerabilidade externa no Brasil dos anos 1920

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Saudade (1919-2002): a contribuição de Thales Castanho de Andrade para o campo da leitura escolar

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Revista Gil Blas e o nacionalismo de combate (1919-1923)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Revista Gil Blas e o nacionalismo de combate (1919-1923)

O livro analisa a revista Gil Blas, fundada por Álvaro Bomilcar e Alcebiades Delamare em 1919, no Rio de Janeiro, e cuja importância histórica reside principalmente no extremado nacionalismo de sua linha editorial. Em quatro anos, foram publicadas 164 edições da revista, que passou por várias fases, caracterizadas por propostas nacionalistas diversas, as quais imprimiram um caráter bastante dinâmico a seus objetivos. A publicação alcançou tamanha relevância em sua época que chegou a servir como porta voz do governo Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1923) e a reunir o que se tornaria o arcabouço das várias concepções nacionalistas que vigorariam ao longo da década de 1920. O objetivo deste trabalho foi, principalmente, distinguir os projetos defendidos nas páginas da revista e, ainda, esclarecer se havia consonância entre seu ecletismo e seu posicionamento político e doutrinário. O autor também se debruça sobre o projeto temático-editorial da revista, que continha grande diversidade de seções e artigos, cobrindo as mais diferentes áreas, de esporte e literatura a política, passando pelas questões relativas ao operariado, quase sempre com viés nacionalista que beirava a xenofobia

World War I Photographs - Accession 228 - M98 (126-127)

The World War I Photograph Collection consists of copies of photographs of World War I Battle scenes taken by Rock Hill resident Captain Charles S. Caldwell, a captain in the U.S. Army medical corps, who served in Belgium and France from August, 1918, to July, 1919.

Italia e Francia nell'Ungheria di Trianon (1919-1939): due modelli di penetrazione politico-culturale

Italy and France in Trianon’s Hungary: two political and cultural penetration models During the first post-war, the Danubian Europe was the theatre of an Italian-French diplomatic challenge to gain hegemony in that part of the continent. Because of his geographical position, Hungary had a decisive strategic importance for the ambitions of French and Italian foreign politics. Since in the 1920s culture and propaganda became the fourth dimension of international relations, Rome and Paris developed their diplomatic action in Hungary to affirm not only political and economic influence, but also cultural supremacy. In the 1930, after Hitler’s rise to power, the unstoppable comeback of German political influence in central-eastern Europe determined the progressive decline of Italian and French political and economic positions in Hungary: only the cultural field allowed a survey of Italian-Hungarian and French-Hungarian relations in the contest of a Europe dominated by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Nevertheless, the radical geopolitical changes in second post-war Europe did not compromise Italian and French cultural presence in the new communist Hungary. Although cultural diplomacy is originally motivated by contingent political targets, it doesn’t respect the short time of politics, but it’s the only foreign politics tool that guarantees preservations of bilateral relations in the long run.

Comparative Czech and Polish Perspectives and Policies on the Eastern Enlargement of the EU and the Prominence of the German Factor

With the end of the Cold War, which for central and eastern Europe in many respects meant the real political end to the Second World War, Germany regained its central position in the region. The Federal Republic quickly established itself as a major political and economic partner for both the Czech Republic and Poland. More importantly, due to its support for the idea of EU and NATO enlargement. Germany also became the most active western advocate of the Czech and Polish 'return to Europe'. The question remains, however, of whether Germany's relations with Poland and the Czech Republic can mature into a close axis like that enjoyed between Paris and Bonn/Berlin, or whether they will continue to develop along the lines of 'strategic congruence' but 'emotional mistrust and reserve'. The research here looked at three aspects of this question. First it considered the idea of a link between perceptions of Germany and broader considerations of European integration in Poland and the Czech Republic and outlined the ways in which Germany has motivated Czech and Polish activities and policies on EU membership. The team then focused upon on-going Czech and Polish EU integration strategies and sought to identify the actual ways in which Germany's advocacy of EU enlargement in manifest in cooperation 'on the ground'. The group concluded by considering prospects for Czech/German and Polish/German cooperation in the context of the enlarged European Union.

The Representation of Motherhood in Polish Cinema

The project aimed to analyse representations of motherhood in Polish cinema as a special case of a more general system within the representation of women. It concentrated on the image of the Polish Mother created during the 19th century in Polish culture under the influence of specific political, social and religious factors. Ms. Ostrowska's initial hypothesis was that this symbolic image became one of the most stable elements in Polish cinema and as her research revealed, it was valuable for the preservation of national identity but nevertheless a fiercely constraining model for Polish femininity. In order to fully understand the nature of this persistent image it was initially necessary to related it to broader contexts and issues in representation. These included the image of the Polish Mother within general mythological structures (using the notion of myth in the Barthesian sense). Following her initial research Ms. Ostrowska felt that it was most appropriate to view the myth of the Polish Mother as a dominant ideological structure in the discourse of motherhood within Polish culture. An analysis of the myth of the Polish Mother can provide an insight into how Polish society sees itself at different periods in time and how a national identity was constructed in relation to particular ideological demands stemming from concrete historical and political situations. The analysis of the film version of this myth also revealed some aspects of the national character of Polish cinema. There the image of woman has become enshrined as the "eternal feminine", with virtues which are inevitably derived directly from Catholicism, particularly in relation to the networks of meanings around the central figure of Mary, Mother of God. In 19th century Poland these were linked with patriotic values and images of woman became part of the defence of the very idea of Poland and Polishness. After World War Two, this religious-political image system was adapted to the demands of the new communist ideology. The possibility of manipulating the ideological dimensions of the myth of the Polish Mother is due to the very nature of the image, which as a symbol of civil religion had been able to function independently of any particular state or church institution. Although in communist ideology the stress was on the patriotic aspect of the myth, its pronounced religious aspect was also transmitted, consciously or not, in the denotation process, this being of great significance in the viewer's response to the female character. This appropriation of elements derived from the national patriotic tradition into the discourse of communist ideology was a very efficient strategy to establish the illusion of continuity in national existence, which was supposed to convince society of the rightness of the new political situation. The analysis of films made in the post-war period showed the persistence of this discourse on motherhood in a range of cinematic texts regardless of the changing political situation. Ms. Ostrowska claims that the stability of this discursive formation is to a certain extent the result of the mythological aspect of the mother figure. This mythological structure also belongs to the ideology of Romanticism which in general continues to prevail in Polish cultural discourse as a meta-language of national community. The analysis of the films confirmed the hypothesis of the Polish Mother as a myth-sign whose signifier is stable whereas the signified depends on the specific historical conditions in which it is set. Therefore in the famous propaganda documentary Kobiety naszych dni (Women of Our Days, 1951) by Jan Zelnik, and in other films made after the October 1956 "thaw" it functions as an "empty sign. She concludes that it would be difficult to deny that the myth of the Polish Mother has offered Polish women a special role in national life, granting them a high moral position in the social, hierarchy. However the processes of idealisation involved have resulted in a deprivation of her subjectivity and the right to decide about her own life. This idealisation also served to strengthen traditional patriarchal structures through this set of female obligations to the mother land. In Polish ideology it is not a man who demands sacrifice from a woman but the motherland, which, deprived of the institutions of male power for nearly 150 years, had functioned as a feminine structure. That is why oppressive aspects of the myth have been obscured for so long. While Polish women were doubtless able to accept the constrictions because of their sense of national duty and any misgivings were overridden by the argument of the cause, it is important to recognise that the strength of these constructions, compounded by the ways in which they spoke of and continue to speak of a certain perfection, make them persist into contemporary Poland. Poland is however no longer embattled and the signs that made these meanings are potentially empty. This space for meaning will be and is already being contested and increasingly colonised by current western models of femininity. Ms. Ostrowska's final question is whether this will help to prevent a possible resentful victimisation of the silent and noble Polish Mother.

Where Empires Meet: Orientalism and Marginality at the Former Russo-British Frontier

This article explores the intersection of orientalism and marginality in two regions at the former Russo-British frontier between Central and South Asia. Focussing on Tajikistan’s Gorno-Badakhshan and Gilgit-Baltistan in today’s Pakistan, an analysis of historical and contemporary orientalist projections on and in the two border regions reveals changing modes of domination through the course of the twentieth century (British, Kashmiri, Pakistani and Russian, Soviet, Tajik). In this regard, different local experiences of “ colonial ” rule, both in Gorno-Badakhshan and Gilgit-Baltistan, challenge “ classical ” periodisations of colonial/postcolonial and colonial/socialist/postsocialist. This article furthermore maintains that processes of marginalisation in both regions can be interpreted as effects of imperial and Cold War contexts that have led to the establishment of the frontier. Thus, a central argument is that neither the status of the frontier between Central and South Asia as a stable entity, nor the periodisations that have conventionally been ascribed to the two regions as linear timelines can be taken for granted.

Chronik der Synagogengemeinde Luckenwalde und deren Vorgeschichte : zum 50jährigen Jubiläum der Synagogengemeinde 1919

im Auftrage des Vorstandes verf. von J. Freudenthal

Biographien und Netzwerke im Kaffeehandel zwischen Deutschland und Zentralamerika, 1920-1959

Kaffee ist nicht nur ein beliebtes Getränk, sondern vernetzte auch unterschiedliche Welten: Der Kaffeehandel band Hamburg und Bremen in transnationale Netzwerke ein, die sich zwischen Europa und Lateinamerika erstreckten. Zentralamerika war für den globalen Kaffeehandel wichtig, weil die Region als erste die „nasse“ Form der Aufbereitung einführte. Die hohe Qualität dieser „gewaschenen“ Kaffees machte sie auf dem Weltmarkt begehrt. Deutsche Einwanderer prägten die Handelsverbindungen zwischen den zentralamerikanischen Kaffee-Anbauregionen und den norddeutschen Hafenstädten: Sie gründeten Exportfirmen, erwarben Kaffeeplantagen und beteiligten sich an der Vorfinanzierung der Ernten. Christiane Berth analysiert Biografien und Netzwerke deutscher Kaffee-Akteure in Guatemala, Costa Rica und Chiapas. Dabei zeigt sie, wie deren Handelsnetzwerke durch wirtschaftliche Krisen und neue außenpolitische Konstellationen brüchig wurden, im Nationalsozialismus unter Druck gerieten und während des Zweiten Weltkrieges zerbrachen. Trotzdem blieben auch in der Nachkriegszeit Handelsbeziehungen zwischen Nationalstaaten, Netzwerke in der Kaffeebranche und Biografien der Kaffee-Akteure eng miteinander verknüpft.

Der Segan : seinem lieben Kollegen und Freunde J. Theodor zum 28. Dezember 1919 gewidmet

Adolf Schwarz

The Jews of the Empire and the Great War : by Michael Adler

Digitalisiert in Kooperation mit dem YIVO Institute for Jewish Research am Center for Jewish History, NY