935 resultados para Revolution of 1820


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This paper provides a review of the last five years of policymaking in the area of health and safety law; this includes multiple reviews, legislative reform, and the reframing of rhetoric around the issue. It characterises this as a process of social construction of a new ‘universe of meaning’ around health and safety regulation, which provides a basis for a particular, narrow, neoliberal conception of regulation and responsibility to permeate the mainstream. Deliberative and public-facing policymaking processes have been utilised as a key element of this process.

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This article examines the role played by ideas and their thinkers in Christopher Hill's histories of the English Revolution. Hill protested against a reductionist economic determinism with no place for the intrinsic power of ideas, but his account of ideas gave them a progressive logic parallel to, if not always easy to link with, that of economic development, and threatened to divorce them from their muddled and imperfect thinkers. This account of the logic of ideas had a striking impact on the way in which the more mainstream radicals of the English Revolution appeared in Hill's work, with both the Levellers and James Harrington being half assimilated to, and half pushed aside in favor of, the more thoroughgoing economic radicals who expressed, in however ragged a way, the intrinsic potential of their ideas. However, Hill's writings also betray a surprising attraction to religious over secular forms of radicalism.

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This chapter charts the rise the urban commune as a cultural construct in early Soviet Russia and, in so doing, explores the implication of assessing the spaces in-between the apparatus of state -- very much a new venture in Soviet history.

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Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

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The definitive history of Colby College's first century.

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Ticks are hematophagous ectoparasites which can transmit several diseases to the host during their feeding process. When ticks mechanically damage the tissue, they eventually induce inflammatory responses on the skin spot where they are fixed. One of the alternatives to control these ectoparasites is the use of chemical substances like selamectin - the active principle of Pfizer's antiparasitic Revolution® - a macrocyclic lactone capable of doing neurotoxic damage to the tick and eventually eliminating infestation in dogs and cats. The purpose of this study was to analyze, using histological and histochemical techniques, the occurrence of morphophysiological alterations in the skin of the host rabbits exposed to selamectin and infested with Rhipicephalus sanguineus (Acari: Ixodidae). Histologically, the exposed and infested rabbits showed a partial and/or total decrease in the stratum corneum and the epithelium decreased in the number of cell layers, consequently reducing the stratification (thinning) and quite pronounced formations of sub-epidermal edemas with consequent disorganization of collagen fibers in the dermal layer's connective tissue. Histochemical tests showed strong periodic acid-Schiff-positive reaction in the hair follicle and some regions of the dermis, besides resynthesis of collagen fibers detected by Mallory's trichrome technique. The obtained results showed that selamectin acts like a toxicant agent when in contact with the skin of the rabbit infested with ticks, inducing morphophysiological alterations in the acute inflammatory process in the animal's tegument. Selamectin is a chemical substance which has a dose-dependent action since higher concentrations cause greater morphophysiological damage in the skin of rabbits. © 2013 Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg.

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The article discusses the trajectory of Manuel Luis da Veiga which, as a merchant in Portugal (where he was born) invested to install a factory in Pernambuco after the arrival of Real Family in the Rio de Janeiro, considering the changes, in these days, in the Portuguese Empire. It focuses the political sociabilities, remarking the role of Veiga in the court and his writings on political economy, understanding both as two linked dimensions of his social practice. It points out that his trajectory shows a deeply changing world in terms of paradigms, impossible to be understood simply in patterns of what was old or new in the beginning of XIX century.

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In the early decades of the twentieth century, as Japanese society became engulfed in war and increasing nationalism, the majority of Buddhist leaders and institutions capitulated to the status quo. One notable exception to this trend, however, was the Shinkō Bukkyō Seinen Dōmei (Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism), founded on 5 April 1931. Led by Nichiren Buddhist layman Seno’o Girō and made up of young social activists who were critical of capitalism, internationalist in outlook, and committed to a pan-sectarian and humanist form of Buddhism that would work for social justice and world peace, the league’s motto was “carry the Buddha on your backs and go out into the streets and villages.” This article analyzes the views of the Youth League for Revitalizing Buddhism as found in the religious writings of Seno’o Girō to situate the movement in its social and philosophical context, and to raise the question of the prospects of “radical Buddhism” in twenty-first century Japan and elsewhere.