A revista civilização brasileira: projeto editorial e resistência cultural (1965-1968)

During the first years of the military dictatorship, established in Brazil through a coup d'État, a number of institutions which repression had left unarticulated began a process of resistance and opposition to the military government. Cultural resistance was one of the consecrated forms of resistance that was exercised by intellectuals, artists, professors and cultural producers, among others, and that became an unprecedented political and cultural phenomenon in the country's history. Political, insofar as it aided in the process of re-organizing left-wing political parties and in the revision of the ideological postulates of its preeminent party, the PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro - Brazilian Communist Party). Cultural, because this re-organization occurred, frequently, within the ambit of cultural productions, in which the left created a space for contestation and engagement through the arts and intellectual activities. Within this process, between the years 1965 and 1968. The journal Civilização Brasileira became an important space for the building of leftist cultural resistance against the military dictatorship. The journal was able to impose its political legitimacy while at the same time participating actively in a market o cultural goods sustained by the so-called cultural hegemony of the left.

A experiência do orçamento participativo em Campinas sob a ótica da comunicação pública

This paper analyzes the experience of Participatory Budgeting (PB) in the city of Campinas (SP) from the perspective of public communication, understand it as an important factor to increase the participation of social actors in decision-making processes. The democratization process in Brazil was the springboard for a change in the relations between state and society. In line with the new democratic demands, the OP appears to be the possibility of linkage between representative democracy and participatory democracy. As methodological procedure was used the case study of OP in Campinas from 2001 to 20011, comparing the administrations of two different political parties: PT (2001-2004), under the governments of Antonio da Costa dos Santos and Izalene Tiene, and PDT, with the consecutive term of Hélio de Oliveira Santos (2005-2011). We sought to assess whit this research if the communication actions used by different public administrations achieve the public interest adequately, encouraging popular participation

Propostas de Adequação Ambiental para a Cidade da Criança de Presidente Prudente - SP

The environmental issue has been considered of fundamental importance for the well being of the present and future generations and is inserted into the commitment of political parties at federal, state and municipal government programs, into the interests of popular organizations and business planning. The Parque Ecológico Cidade da Criança is one of the most sought after places for visitation at Presidente Prudente – SP. Located outside the Raposo Tavares Highway, next to the exhibition grounds and beside the agricultural school, has more than 30 acres of area with an infrastructure designed for recreation and leisure activities for all ages and has received new investment of the public power. Given the importance of the ecological aspects, the objective of this work is to perform an environmental diagnosis in order to be able to submit proposals for solving the problems encountered and improve the use of the environmental resources. Therefore, the study was divided into three foci: sewage disposal, erosion process and control of the stormwater drainage system. It was checked the discharge of sewage from the restaurant on exposed soil, erosion processes that develop at the camel and llama cages ground and erosion processes resulting from the convergence of the stormwater in the highest region of the park. Based on these studies, proposals of solution were made for each case, having considered the effectiveness of the project

Partidos políticos e processo decisório em Araraquara-SP (1997-2008)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Análisis organizacional del partido de la democracia social brasileña en el estado de San Pablo (1988-2006)

The article represents a theoretical and methodological approach to the analysis of organizational dynamics of political parties today, based on a study of the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB) in the State of Sao Pãulo (period between 1988 to 2006). It is hypothesized that the structure and the institutional rules of a particular party, or even their election results, are insufficient to explain the inner workings, such as the role of party organization in the electoral system. An approach that articulates the relationship patterns, election results and posts held in the party, identified the factors that explain the political capital that circulated within the party and ensured its organizational dynamics over the period analyzed.

Itinerários, estruturas de sociabilidades e ação política: intelectuais de São Paulo na crise do Império (1875-1889)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

O Brasil e o regime Internacional de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares: adesão resistida na inserção brasileira

Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

A agenda da regulação da comunicação social no Brasil: da constituinte aos impasses contemporâneos

The paper analyzes the regulatory framework for the Media in Brazil in the Federal Constitution and the nexus between democratization and constitutional process, interpreting relevant actors (government, political parties, civil society) and figured as the themes of communication and institutional political agenda. The obstacles to the regulation of many of the statements remain constitutional (right of communication; seal monopolies / oligopolies; regionalization of cultural production; nationalist character in control of broadcasting; compatibility between segments state, public and commercial; Social Communication Council), that replaces debate on the very principle of the right to communication regulation by analyzing the corresponding decisionmaking processes. This conflictual agenda-setting involves multiple interests, from strictly commercial aspirations of companies operating in this market, going by the increasing share of religious institutions who also want to expand upon practices of proselytizing until the interests of policy makers who also have control over a slice of that business.

Avaliações externas e em larga escala nas redes de educação básica dos Estados brasileiros

Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

O sistema político, partidário e eleitoral da República de Malta

This work is a study which deals with political, electoral and party features from the Republic of Malta. An interest that motivated the study is to understand how works the consolidated two-party system in the country, the cleavages which foster that features and the Maltese media groups alignment process to those prevailing political parties. Our goal is to identify the main factors which creates and maintain those features of a two-party model in Malta, and how much it overlaps the political and electoral models applied in the country. The analysis is mostly literature, also backing up data about the nation, on elections and political parties which allow enough stability for analysis and enables us an approach about the actual facts. The survey data and literature available is mainly in English, by the lack of academic papers on Malta in Brazilian Portuguese. Therefore, this work contributes as a small panorama of the Maltese political reality, which can serve as a point of comparison and reflection on other countries' realities, with a sharp bipolar political trend, strong social entrenchment of political parties, and media groups aligned to those

Revolução constitucionalista de 32: principais motivações da Frente Única Paulista

This paper aims to analyze the Constitutionalist Movement in 1932, trying to understand, more specifically, the political end sought by the Front Unique Paulista, on a literal translation, union of the political parties of São Paulo (Republican Party Paulista and Democratic Party). The research is motivated by the need to understand the political project of FUP with the movement and the existing motivations why it was articulated. The comprehension of the constitutionalists' reasons is relevant to understanding the history of the revolution, from its origin to its outcome. Based on literature and its historical analysis, the paper will demonstrate that the Front, with the advent of the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932, had as its main purpose regain political control of the state of São Paulo lost with the revolution of 1930. More than the vaunted concern with the implementation of a new constitution for the nation, the FUP leaders had intended to retrieve the lost power with the movement of 30 and the rise of Getulio Vargas to power. Under a banner to fight for a new constitution and the expected change from a totalitarian and centralized state imposed by Vargas for a more autonomous state, the cause of São Paulo enticed sympathy and support from the community, whose social history always harbored separatist ideas, even that they have never been carried out to its ultimate consequences

A construção social do mercado colaborativo de software livre durante o Governo Lula: agentes, estratégias e discursos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

A construção social do mercado colaborativo de software livre durante o Governo Lula: agentes, estratégias e discursos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Materno-infantilism, feminism and maternal health policy in Brazil

In the last days of 2011, President of Brazil Dilma Rousseff issued a provisional measure (or draft law) entitled "National Surveillance and Monitoring Registration System for the Prevention of Maternal Mortality" (MP 557), as part of a new maternal health programme. It was supposed to address the pressing issue of maternal morbidity and mortality in Brazil, but instead it caused an explosive controversy because it used terms such as nascituro (unborn child) and proposed the compulsory registration of every pregnancy. After intense protests by feminist and human rights groups that this law was unconstitutional, violated women's right to privacy and threatened our already limited reproductive rights, the measure was revised in January 2012, omitting "the unborn child" but not the mandatory registration of pregnancy. Unfortunately, neither version of the draft law addresses the two main problems with maternal health in Brazil: the over-medicalisation of childbirth and its adverse effects, and the need for safe, legal abortion. The content of this measure itself reflects the conflictive nature of public policies on reproductive health in Brazil and how they are shaped by close links between different levels of government and political parties, and religious and professional sectors. (C) 2012 Reproductive Health Matters

Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici

The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.