Relations Between Political Violence and Child Adjustment: a four-wave test of the role of emotional insecurity about community

This study further explored the impact of sectarian violence and children's emotional insecurity about community on child maladjustment using a 4-wave longitudinal design. The study included 999 mother-child dyads in Belfast, Northern Ireland (482 boys, 517 girls). Across the 4 waves, child mean age was 12.19 (SD = 1.82), 13.24 (SD = 1.83), 13.61 (SD = 1.99), and 14.66 years (SD = 1.96), respectively. Building on previous studies of the role of emotional insecurity in child adjustment, the current study examines within-person change in emotional insecurity using latent growth curve analyses. The results showed that children's trajectories of emotional insecurity about community were related to risk for developing conduct and emotion problems. These findings controlled for earlier adjustment problems, age, and gender, and took into account the time-varying nature of experience with sectarian violence. Discussion considers the implications for children's emotional insecurity about community for relations between political violence and children's adjustment, including the significance of trajectories of emotional insecurity over time.

Catholics, Science and Civic Culture in Victorian Belfast

The connections between science and civic culture in the Victorian period have been extensively, and intensively, investigated over the past several decades. Limited attention, however, has been paid to Irish urban contexts. Roman Catholic attitudes towards science in the nineteenth century have also been neglected beyond a rather restricted set of thinkers and topics. This paper is offered as a contribution to addressing these lacunae, and examines in detail the complexities involved in Catholic engagement with science in Victorian Belfast. The political and civic geographies of Catholic involvement in scientific discussions in a divided town are uncovered through an examination of five episodes in the unfolding history of Belfast's intellectual culture. The paper stresses the importance of attending to the particularities of local politics and scientific debate for understanding the complex realities of Catholic appropriations of science in a period and urban context profoundly shaped by competing political and religious factions. It also reflects more generally on how the Belfast story supplements and challenges scholarship on the historical relations between Catholicism and science.

Political Violence and Adolescent Out-group Attitudes and Prosocial Behaviors: Implications for Positive Inter-group Relations

The negative impact of political violence on adolescent adjustment is well established. Less is known about factors that affect adolescents' positive outcomes in ethnically divided societies, especially influences on prosocial behaviors toward the out-group, which may promote constructive relations. For example, understanding how inter-group experiences and attitudes motivate out-group helping may foster inter-group co-operation and help to consolidate peace. The current study investigated adolescents' overall and out-group prosocial behaviors across two time points in Belfast, Northern Ireland (N = 714 dyads; 49% male; Time 1: M = 14.7, SD = 2.0, years old). Controlling for Time 1 prosocial behaviors, age, and gender, multi-variate structural equation modeling showed that experience with inter-group sectarian threat predicted fewer out-group prosocial behaviors at Time 2 at the trend level. On the other hand, greater experience of intra-group non-sectarian threat at Time 1 predicted more overall and out-group prosocial behaviors at Time 2. Moreover, positive out-group attitudes strengthened the link between intra-group threat and out-group prosocial behaviors one year later. Finally, experience with intra-group non-sectarian threat and out-group prosocial behaviors at Time 1 was related to more positive out-group attitudes at Time 2. The implications for youth development and inter-group relations in post-accord societies are discussed.

Economic Ideas and the Political Construction of the Financial Crash of 2008

This article is a short introduction to a special section on economic ideas and the political construction of the financial crash. It begins by explaining why economic ideas and the politics of appeals to certain ideas are so integral to the historical significance of the crash of 2008 and the question of whether it can be considered a crash at all. The first section covers the literature on ideas and economic crisis. The second section highlights that the contribution of the special section is to engage in a stock taking exercise of the empirical and conceptual patterns concerning the politics of ideational change underway in the areas of: comparative fiscal policy; monetary policy and Euro zone debt management; capital controls; and financial and securities market regulation and standard setting. The final section outlines the structure of this special section and content of the individual articles.

Machiavelli’s Walls: The Legacy of Realism in International Relations Theory

In this paper we argue that Niccolò Machiavelli has little to do with Realism in International Relations theory. By concentrating, as Machaivelli did, on the walls that define political relations—both inside and outside the polity—we find his insights deeply rooted in the specific political contexts of Sixteenth century Italy. Others may wish to generalize from them, but Machiavelli did not. In fact, as we show, Machiavelli was mindful of the difficulties of generalizing about walls and acknowledged the dangers political actors faced in navigating between the internal and external walls of the polity. We examine the geopolitical contours of Machiavelli’s walls and seek to demonstrate how morality is present in these historical spaces. In contrast to Realists, Machiavelli was ready and willing to make ethical judgments. We argue that theorists of international politics should exercise care in reaching for Machiavelli as the iconic thinker for making sense of anarchy in world politics. This article concludes by suggesting that the ideology of Machiavellianism has obscured deeper understanding of the particular contexts of Machiavelli’s own world.

The People's Republic of China and her relations with the countries of the association of Southeast Asian nations : 1969-1975

Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

The Social Power of Bodin's 'Sovereignty' and International Law

The word ‘sovereignty’ provides a forceful example of the social power of language as an organic instrument playing a leading role in the continuous and continuing process of creating and transforming human reality. The paper examines a pivotal episode in the history of the word ‘sovereignty’ — its formal introduction in the 16th century by Jean Bodin in his Six Livres de la Republique. It focuses on the social effects ‘sovereignty’ has had on the shared consciousness of humanity, including that of the international community. The proposed metalogical inquiry adopts a method that draws from the hermeneutic school of historical knowledge. The argument is that Bodin used ‘sovereignty’ for the purpose of attributing to the ruler (the French king) supreme power in the hierarchical organisational structure of society. This idea of a pyramid of authority is found in different elements of the discourse in Six Livres de la Republique, which is examined in the immediate context of Bodin’s personal background as well as the extended social, political and intellectual context of 16th century France. The conclusion shows that Bodin’s work was the first seminal step in the development of contemporary ideas of ‘internal sovereignty’ and ‘external sovereignty’. It is thus part of the history of the true power that the word at hand has exercised in framing the international state system and hence the international legal system.

Experimentation and political science : six applications

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Alliance Politics in Hybrid Regimes : Political Stability and Instability since World War II

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.

Hegemony, Private Actors, and International Institutions: Transnational Corporations as the agents of transformation of the trade regime from GATT to the WTO

Diese Dissertation hat das Ziel, zum einen die Transformation des Handelssystems von der GATT zur Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) im Kontext einer veränderten Weltordnung und zum anderen die Rollen von transnationalen Unternehmen im Rahmen dieser Transformation zu untersuchen und zu verstehen. Die Arbeit wird theoretisch vom Neogramscianismus angeleitet, da die etablierten Ansätzen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und der International Politischen Ökonomie nur unzureichend die intersubjektive Natur von Regimen und nicht-staatlichen Akteuren darstellen. Für Anhänger des Neogramscianismus sind internationale Regime intersubjektive Einheiten, deren Zusammenspiel von Ideen und Machtkonfigurationen historische Strukturen prägen. Die Hegemonie ist ein Konzept, das soziale Einflüsse als Agenten historischen Wandels in international Regimen und der Weltordnung zusammenbindet. Mit dem Konzept der Hegemonie wird eine Machtsituation beschrieben, in der politische Macht in legitime Autorität übersetzt wird, indem die Zustimmung subalterner Akteure eingeholt wird. Hegemonie beinhaltet die konsensuellen Aspekte von Machtausübung in einer jeweiligen Weltordnung. Diese Dissertation argumentiert vor allem, dass die Transformation des Handelssystems als hegemonisch bezeichnet werden kann, da sie parallel mit der Transformation der Weltordnung von einer von den USA dominierten Nachkriegszeit zu einer neoliberalen Hegemonie stattfand. Mit der Transformation zur Welthandlungsorganisation wird der legale Rahmen des Handelssystems neu strukturiert und ihre normative Grundlagen neu definiert, wodurch der ethische Rahmen des Neoliberalismus reflektiert wird. Diese Änderungen werden in der neuartigen Anerkennung der legitimen Autorität des Marktes gegenüber Nationalstaaten und der Anerkennung von der Notwendigkeit von bindenden Disziplinen, die Regierungen übergeordnet sind, reflektiert. Diese Dissertation analysiert zwei Fälle, um die Rolle von transnationalen Unternehmen innerhalb diese Transformationsprozesses zu erklären. Dabei wird der Fokus vor allem auf die Aktivitäten und Fähigkeiten der Unternehmen gerichtet, die Ausrichtung des Handelsregimes zu bestimmen. Die erste Studie untersucht die Eingliederung von Dienstleistungen in das GATT Regime vor und während der Uruguay-Runde (1986 – 1994) und argumentiert, dass diese Eingliederung zu einer Neudefinierung von Liberalisierung und Normen der Nichtdiskriminierung führte. Die zweite Studie analysiert den gescheiterten Versuch, ausländische Direktinvestitionen noch bevor und während der 2001 begonnenen Doha Runde in die Welthandelsorganisation zu integrieren. Letztendlich wird in dieser Dissertation argumentiert, dass transnationale Unternehmen, die in den Vereinigten Staaten ansässig sind, hegemonische Agenten der Regimetransformation waren und eine wichtige Rolle dabei gespielt haben, Dienstleistungen in das GATT einzubinden. Und zwar gelang ihnen dies durch eine in den späten 1970er Jahren begonnenen Kampagne. Auf der einen Seite war die Kampagne darin erfolgreich, etablierte Denkstrukturen zu Handelsthemen systematisch im Sinne des Neoliberalismus zu verändern – und zwar sowohl hinsichtlich der normativen Inhalte als auch der intersubjektiven Bedeutungen des Regimes. Auf der anderen Seite deutet der Fall des Investitionsabkommens die Grenzen der hegemonischen Ideen, Institutionen, und Strömungen seit den frühen 90er Jahren an. Transnationale Unternehmen, die in Europa ansässig waren, sind mit ihren Bemühungen gescheitert, das Regime weiter zu transformieren und das Thema Investitionen in die legalen und normativen Rahmenbedingungen der WTO zu integrieren. Die Prioritäten und Strategien der transnationalen Unternehmen, die Agenda der WTO zu beeinflussen, waren beschränkt und wurden im Kontext einer angefochtenen neoliberalen Hegemonie geformt, die wiederum von dem Widerstand und anti-hegemonischen Kampagnen der Zivilgesellschaft beeinflusst wurden. Die Analyse in dieser Dissertation wurde durch eine qualitative Diskursanalyse von Sekundär- und Primärquellen durchgeführt: Regierungsvorschläge, Verhandlungstexte, Konferenzzusammenfassungen und Statements von Unternehmen.

Trends in international relations in the study of China

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The parallel diplomacy and the International Relations of the regions

The inclusion of subnational entities in international politics, breaks with the exclusive privilege of handling external relations by the States. Regions and municipalities have developed international policies that strengthen local affairs in cultural, economic, politic, security and strategic cooperation aspects, through the so-called parallel diplomacy activities. The influence of regional institutions in global affairs is growing; however paradiplomacy practice is not institutionalized and received little attention in international relation studies.

The political influence of the kurdish community in Syria and its possible transboundary Effects in the subregion of the Middle East, during the period 2011-2014

El interés de esta monografía es analizar las interacciones no-lineales con resultados emergentes que mantuvo la comunidad kurda en Siria, durante el periodo 2011-2014, y por las cuales se produjeron formas de auto-organización como resultado de la estructura compleja a la que pertenece. De esta forma, se explica cómo a raíz de la crisis política siria y los enfrentamientos con el Estado Islámico, se transformó el rol de los kurdos en Siria y se influenciaron las estructuras políticas del país y las naciones de la región con población kurda. Por lo tanto, esta investigación se propone analizar este fenómeno a través del enfoque de complejidad en Relaciones Internacionales y el concepto de Auto-Organización. A partir de ello, se indaga sobre las interacciones surgidas en estructuras más pequeñas, que habrían afectado un sistema mayor; estableciendo nuevas formas de organización que no pueden ser explicadas, únicamente, a partir de elementos causales.

Edexcel GCSE history A : the making of the modern world. Unit 1 : peace and war : international relations 1900-91. Student book.

Es una de las cuatro unidades del curso de preparación para los exámenes del General Certificate Secondary Education (GCSE). Estos temas explican los acontecimientos históricos sucedidos en los últimos cien años y ayudan a entender los problemas del mundo actual. En esta unidad se estudian las guerras de 1914 y de 1945, así como el peligro en el que estuvo el mundo en 1962 por la crisis de los misiles de Cuba que pudo provocar un devastador conflicto nuclear. Una parte del libro se dedica al repaso y la preparación del examen.