B3a km 19 - ein linienbandkeramischer Fundplatz bei Friedberg, Wetteraukreis

Durch den Straßenbau an der Bundesstraße B3a veranlasst, wurden im Zeitraum vom 13.08.2007 bis zum 07.12.2007 archäologische Untersuchungen im Bereich der Streckenkilometer 19 bis 22 durch die Firma Archbau Essen, unter Kontrolle des Landesamtes für Denkmalpflege Hessen und der Kreisarchäologie Wetteraukreis durchgeführt. Bei km 19 wurde dabei eine Siedlung mit angrenzendem Gräberfeld aus der Linienbandkeramik (im Folgenden als LBK bezeichnet) festgestellt. Daneben ergaben sich eine Bestattung und ein Erdwerk der Michelsberger Kultur, Grubenkomplexe und ein Bronzehort aus der Urnenfelderkultur sowie eine mittelalterliche Straße.Heute liegt die Fundstelle Friedberg B3a km 19 in der südlichen Wetterau 30 km nördlich von Frankfurt am Main in Hessen an der Wetter 140 m über NN und gehört zum Wetteraukreis. rnDie 21 ha messende Ausgrabungsfläche umfasste insgesamt 344 Befunde. Die Identifikation der bandkeramischen Strukturen erfolgte hierbei vorwiegend durch die vergesellschaftete Keramik. Von zentraler Bedeutung sind die fünf Hausgrundrisse A bis E im nördlichen Sektor der Fundstelle, wobei die Präsenz zahlreicher „Dreipfostenriegel“ sowie die Nordost-Südwest Ausrichtung der Strukturen als Belege für eine Zeitstellung innerhalb der LBK angesehen werden. Über die Korrespondenzanalyse der bei den Siedlungsstrukturen angetroffenen Keramik konnte darüber hinaus eine Abfolge von Hausgenerationen erstellt werden. Daneben existierten eine Reihe weiterer Befunde von LBK-zeitlichen Pfostenstellungen, bei denen es sich um Zäune oder Palisaden gehandelt haben könnte. Südwestlich dieser Hausgrundrisse wurde bei den Ausgrabungen eine Grabenstruktur geschnitten, für die eine Funktion als Einfassung der bandkeramischen Siedlungsstrukturen möglich ist. Südlich dieser Grabenstruktur konnten sechs Hockerbestattungen der LBK festgestellt werden. Die räumliche Anordnung im Bereich der westlichen Grabungsgrenze lässt den Schluss zu, dass es sich hierbei um ein Gräberfeld handelt, welches bisher nur zu einem geringen Teil ergraben wurde. Ein Zusammenhang zu den Hausgrundrissen A bis E kann erwogen werden. Der nördliche Sektor der Fundstelle umfasste außerdem zahlreiche Grubenbefunde der LBK sowie einige Grubenkomplexe, wobei letztere als Lehmentnahmegruben anzusprechen sind. Abschließend soll hier noch auf die Existenz zweier bandkeramischer Öfen, darunter ein Grubenofen, im Südosten von Friedberg B3a km 19 hingewiesen werden. rnDen mit Abstand größten Anteil am bandkeramischen Fundmaterial aus Friedberg B3 km 19 hatte die Keramik mit 3428 Elementen. An Steingeräten konnten nur 12 Silices sowie 4 Beile und 14 Mahlsteine über die Typologie und die vergesellschaftete Keramik in die LBK eingeordnet werden. Bei den Knochengeräten zeigte sich ein einzelner beschädigter Kamm. Der Fokus der Analysen des bandkeramischen Fundmaterials aus Friedberg B3a km 19 lag auf der Keramik und deren Auswertung innerhalb von Seriation und Korrespondenzanalyse. Um den Untersuchungen mehr Validität zu verleihen und eine optimale Einordnung zu erreichen, wurden die Keramik-Daten aus Friedberg B3a km 19 mit anderen Datensätzen aus Südhessen kombiniert. Dabei war nicht nur die räumliche Nähe der Fundstellen entscheidend, sondern auch die stilistisch-typologische Nähe der Inventare. In Friedberg B3a km 19 waren die Phasen nach Meier-Arendt von einem frühen III bis zum Ende der Phase V anwesend. Phase II kann nur als marginal angesprochen werden. Es ließ sich kein Übergang zum Mittelneolithikum fassen. Nach der Interpretation aller relativchronologischer Daten könnte es sich in Friedberg B3a km 19 um eine Hausentwicklung mit sieben Phasen à 25 Jahren über 175 bis zu 200 Jahren handeln, die eine kontinuierliche Belegung des Platzes von der mittleren bis zum Ende der jüngsten LBK beschreibt. Insgesamt pflegt sich die Fundstelle Friedberg B3a km 19 so in die bandkeramische Siedlungslandschaft der südlichen Wetterau ein.

Geomorfologia del giacimento di orso delle caverne nella grotta di Govjestica, Valle di Praca, Bosnia-Ercegovina

In 2011 the GSB/USB caving group of Bologna has discovered, in the southern fossil branches of Govjestica cave (Valle di Praça, Bosnia) a fossil deposit of vertebrates containing bones of Ursus spelaeus, Capra ibex, Cricetulus migratorius and Microtus. On the basis of the U/Th ages of the bones, teeth and carbonate flowstone covering the fossils (60 ka), datings carried out in the laboratories of U-Series at Bologna, and on the disposition of the bones, a past connection between Govjestica and the nearby Banja Stjena cave is hypothesised. The closure of this passage has occurred suddenly through a collapse that has forced the last cave bears awakened from their winter sleep to stay blocked in Govjestica, and die. The connecting passage has later been covered with calcite flowstones and is no longer visible. This hypothesis is sustained by the rather scarce number of skeletons of cave bears found in Govjestica (a dozen of skulls against the often large amounts of cave bears found in similar caves): Govjestica cave, and especially the Room of the Bones in its southern part, has been used by cave bears only for a couple of centuries before these parts became inaccessible. Furthermore, the entrance of Banja Stjena cave was probably located close to or at the level of the Praça river, that has excavated its thalweg for around 20 metres in the last 60 ka.

The design of artificial nestboxes for the study of secondary hole-nesting birds: a review of methodological inconsistencies and potential biases

The widespread use of artificial nestboxes has led to significant advances in our knowledge of the ecology, behaviour and physiology of cavity nesting birds, especially small passerines Nestboxes have made it easier to perform routine monitoring and experimental manipulation of eggs or nestlings, and also repeatedly to capture, identify and manipulate the parents However, when comparing results across study sites the use of nestboxes may also Introduce a potentially significant confounding variable in the form of differences in nestbox design amongst studies, such as their physical dimensions, placement height, and the way in which they are constructed and maintained However, the use of nestboxes may also introduce an unconsidered and potentially significant confounding variable clue to differences in nestbox design amongst studies, such as their physical dimensions, placement height, and the way in which they are constructed and maintained Here we review to what extent the characteristics of artificial nestboxes (e g size, shape, construction material, colour) are documented in the 'methods' sections of publications involving hole-nesting passerine birds using natural or excavated cavities or artificial nestboxes for reproduction and roosting Despite explicit previous recommendations that authors describe in detail the characteristics of the nestboxes used, we found that the description of nestbox characteristics in most recent publications remains poor and insufficient We therefore list the types of descriptive data that should be included in the methods sections of relevant manuscripts and justify this by discussing how variation in nestbox characteristics can affect or confound conclusions from nestbox studies We also propose several recommendations to improve the reliability and usefulness of research based on long-term studies of any secondary hole-nesting species using artificial nestboxes for breeding or roosting.

Reconstructing Iron Age Community Dynamics in Eskisehir Province, Central Turkey

Current understanding of the Iron Age polity of Phrygia in Central Anatolia is primarily based on excavations and survey in the region of the Phrygian capital of Gordion. In order to expand our knowledge of the Phrygian polity, we assess the scale and nature of Iron Age communities in the western (EskiAYehir) region of Phrygia. We address the challenge of interpreting ceramics derived from large-scale archaeological survey by utilizing Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) of ceramics from 12 sites across the region collected by the EskiAYehir archaeological survey project as well as an excavated assemblage from Aar Hoyuk. While the uniformity in ceramic technology and styles suggest the region is part of the larger Phrygian community, NAA results reveal that (a) ceramic production was regionally highly localized with limited evidence of standardization during the Iron Age and (b) based on evidence of community interaction it is possible to establish a partial chronological sequence of development. These results have implications not only for understanding the internal dynamics within the Phrygian core but also for developing a methodology for comparing ancient polities using commensurate units of interacting communities. The present study is part of the larger Anatolian Iron Age Ceramics project (http://www.une.edu.au/a-ia).

Cultural Dynamics and Ceramic Resource Use at Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age Troy, Northwestern Turkey

Changes in resource use over time can provide insight into technological choice and the extent of long-term stability in cultural practices. In this paper we re-evaluate the evidence for a marked demographic shift at the inception of the Early Iron Age at Troy by applying a robust macroscale analysis of changing ceramic resource use over the Late Bronze and Iron Age. We use a combination of new and legacy analytical datasets (NAA and XRF), from excavated ceramics, to evaluate the potential compositional range of local resources (based on comparisons with sediments from within a 10 km site radius). Results show a clear distinction between sediment-defined local and non-local ceramic compositional groups. Two discrete local ceramic resources have been previously identified and we confirm a third local resource for a major class of EIA handmade wares and cooking pots. This third source appears to derive from a residual resource on the Troy peninsula (rather than adjacent alluvial valleys). The presence of a group of large and heavy pithoi among the non-local groups raises questions about their regional or maritime origin. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Mummies and skeletons from the Coptic monastery complex Deir el-Bachit in Thebes-west, Egypt

Deir el-Bachit is the largest known Coptic monastery complex in Thebes-West. It dates to the Late Antiquity period between the 6th and the beginning of the 10th century AD. So far, at least 26 individuals from the site were analysed anthropologically. 22 of them were excavated directly at the necropolis, the other 4 are special burials that were found at other locations nearby.Most individuals from the necropolis are male adults. There are two categories of human remains: “mummified” and “skeletonised”. The differences are probably due to social stratification. A substance similar to bitumen was found at the mummies. At that time, resin containing oils and bitumen were normally not used any more. One of the Special burials was an approximately three years old child which was found enclosed within a wall. Another special burial was a juvenile or young adult female who was found in the vault of an abandoned granary. The female was most likely pregnant and fell victim to a violent crime. This is indicated by the bones of a six months old foetus and an intravital skull fracture. She was no contemporary from the time the monastery was cultivated but was later deposited in this area.

Patterns of functional enzyme activity in fungus farming ambrosia beetles

Introduction In wood-dwelling fungus-farming weevils, the so-called ambrosia beetles (Curculionidae: Scolytinae and Platypodinae), wood in the excavated tunnels is used as a medium for cultivating fungi by the combined action of digging larvae (which create more space for the fungi to grow) and of adults sowing and pruning the fungus. The beetles are obligately dependent on the fungus that provides essential vitamins, amino acids and sterols. However, to what extent microbial enzymes support fungus farming in ambrosia beetles is unknown. Here we measure (i) 13 plant cell-wall degrading enzymes in the fungus garden microbial consortium of the ambrosia beetle Xyleborinus saxesenii, including its primary fungal symbionts, in three compartments of laboratory maintained nests, at different time points after gallery foundation and (ii) four specific enzymes that may be either insect or microbially derived in X. saxesenii adult and larval individuals. Results We discovered that the activity of cellulases in ambrosia fungus gardens is relatively small compared to the activities of other cellulolytic enzymes. Enzyme activity in all compartments of the garden was mainly directed towards hemicellulose carbohydrates such as xylan, glucomannan and callose. Hemicellulolytic enzyme activity within the brood chamber increased with gallery age, whereas irrespective of the age of the gallery, the highest overall enzyme activity were detected in the gallery dump material expelled by the beetles. Interestingly endo-β-1,3(4)-glucanase activity capable of callose degradation was identified in whole-body extracts of both larvae and adult X. saxesenii, whereas endo-β-1,4-xylanase activity was exclusively detected in larvae. Conclusion Similar to closely related fungi associated with bark beetles in phloem, the microbial symbionts of ambrosia beetles hardly degrade cellulose. Instead, their enzyme activity is directed mainly towards comparatively more easily accessible hemicellulose components of the ray-parenchyma cells in the wood xylem. Furthermore, the detection of xylanolytic enzymes exclusively in larvae (which feed on fungus colonized wood) and not in adults (which feed only on fungi) indicates that only larvae (pre-) digest plant cell wall structures. This implies that in X. saxesenii and likely also in many other ambrosia beetles, adults and larvae do not compete for the same food within their nests - in contrast, larvae increase colony fitness by facilitating enzymatic wood degradation and fungus cultivation.

The influence of concurrent disturbances on plant community dynamics in northern hemlock-hardwood forests

Throughout the Upper Great Lakes region, alterations to historic disturbance regimes have influenced plant community dynamics in hemlock-hardwood forests. Several important mesic forest species, eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis), yellow birch (Betula alleghaniensis), eastern white pine (Pinus strobus), and Canada yew (Taxus canadensis), are in decline due to exploitive logging practices used at the turn of the 20th century and the wave of intense fires that followed. Continued regeneration and recruitment failure is attributed to contemporary forest management practices and overbrowsing by white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus). Therefore, I examined the influence of two concurrent disturbances, overstory removal and herbivory, on plant community dynamics in two hemlock-hardwood forests. I measured the post-disturbance regeneration response (herbaceous and woody species) inside and outside of deer exclosures in 20 artificial canopy gaps (50 – 450 m2) and monitored survival and growth for hundreds of planted seedlings. The results of this research show that interacting disturbances can play a large role in shaping plant community composition and structure in hemlock-hardwood forests. White-tailed deer herbivory homogenized the post-disturbance plant communities across the experimental gradient of gap areas, essentially making species compositions in small gaps “look like” those in large gaps. Deer browsing also influenced probability of survival for planted Canada yew cuttings; all else being equal an individual was nearly seven times more likely to survive if protected from herbivory (P < 0.001). In contrast, the ability of sugar maple (Acer saccharum) to persist under high levels of herbivory and respond rapidly to overstory release appears to be related to the presence of stem layering(i.e., portions of below-ground prostrate stem). Layering occurred in 52% of excavated saplings (n = 100) and was significantly associated with increased post-disturbance height growth. Understory light was also important to planted seedling establishment and height growth. Higher levels of direct under-canopy light negatively impacted survival for shade-tolerant hemlock and Canada yew, while an increase in diffuse light was linked to a higher probability of survival for yellow birch and height growth for hemlock and Canada yew. Increases in white pine height growth were also significantly associated with a decrease in canopy cover.

Study of water use and supply in the district of Independencia, Peru

Peru is a developing country with abundant fresh water resources, yet the lack of infrastructure leaves much of the population without access to safe water for domestic uses. The author of this report was a Peace Corps Volunteer in the sector of water & sanitation in the district of Independencia, Ica, Peru. Independencia is located in the arid coastal region of the country, receiving on average 15 mm of rain annually. The water source for this district comes from the Pisco River, originating in the Andean highlands and outflowing into the Pacific Ocean near the town of Pisco, Peru. The objectives of this report are to assess the water supply and sanitation practices, model the existing water distribution system, and make recommendations for future expansion of the distribution system in the district of Independencia, Peru. The assessment of water supply will be based on the results from community surveys done in the district of Independencia, water quality testing done by a detachment of the U.S. Navy, as well as on the results of a hydraulic model built in EPANET 2.0 to represent the distribution system. Sanitation practice assessments will be based on the surveys as well as observations from the author while living in Peru. Recommendations for system expansions will be made based on results from the EPANET model and the municipality’s technical report for the existing distribution system. Household water use and sanitation surveys were conducted with 84 families in the district revealing that upwards of 85% store their domestic water in regularly washed containers with lids. Over 80% of those surveyed are drinking water that is treated, mostly boiled. Of those surveyed, over 95% reported washing their hands and over 60% mentioned at least one critical time for hand washing when asked for specific instances. From the surveys, it was also discovered that over 80% of houses are properly disposing of excrement, in either latrines or septic tanks. There were 43 families interviewed with children five years of age or under, and just over 18% reported the child had a case of diarrhea within the last month at the time of the interview. Finally, from the surveys it was calculated that the average water use per person per day is about 22 liters. Water quality testing carried out by a detachment of the U.S. Navy revealed that the water intended for consumption in the houses surveyed was not suitable for consumption, with a median E. coli most probable number of 47/100 ml for the 61 houses sampled. The median total coliforms was 3,000 colony forming units per 100 ml. EPANET was used to simulate the water delivery system and evaluate its performance. EPANET is designed for continuous water delivery systems, assuming all pipes are always flowing full. To account for the intermittent nature of the system, multiple EPANET network models were created to simulate how water is routed to the different parts of the system throughout the day. The models were created from interviews with the water technicians and a map of the system created using handheld GPS units. The purpose is to analyze the performance of the water system that services approximately 13,276 people in the district of Independencia, Peru, as well as provide recommendations for future growth and improvement of the service level. Performance evaluation of the existing system is based on meeting 25 liters per person per day while maintaining positive pressure at all nodes in the network. The future performance is based on meeting a minimum pressure of 20 psi in the main line, as proposed by Chase (2000). The EPANET model results yield an average nodal pressure for all communities of 71 psi, with a range from 1.3 – 160 psi. Thus, if the current water delivery schedule obtained from the local municipality is followed, all communities should have sufficient pressure to deliver 25 l/p/d, with the exception of Los Rosales, which can only supply 3.25 l/p/d. However, if the line to Los Rosales were increased from one to four inches, the system could supply this community with 25 l/p/d. The district of Independencia could greatly benefit from increasing the service level to 24-hour water delivery and a minimum of 50 l/p/d, so that communities without reliable access due to insufficient pressure would become equal beneficiaries of this invaluable resource. To evaluate the feasibility of this, EPANET was used to model the system with a range of population growth rates, system lifetimes, and demands. In order to meet a minimum pressure of 20 psi in the main line, the 6-inch diameter main line must be increased and approximately two miles of trench must be excavated up to 30 feet deep. The sections of the main line that must be excavated are mile 0-1 and 1.5-2.5, and the first 3.4 miles of the main line must be increased from 6 to 16 inches, contracting to 10 inches for the remaining 5.8 miles. Doing this would allow 24-hour water delivery and provide 50 l/p/d for a range of population growth rates and system lifetimes. It is expected that improving the water delivery service would reduce the morbidity and mortality from diarrheal diseases by decreasing the recontamination of the water due to transport and household storage, as well as by maintaining continuous pressure in the system to prevent infiltration of contaminated groundwater. However, this expansion must be carefully planned so as not to affect aquatic ecosystems or other districts utilizing water from the Pisco River. It is recommended that stream gaging of the Pisco River and precipitation monitoring of the surrounding watershed is initiated in order to begin a hydrological study that would be integrated into the district’s water resource planning. It is also recommended that the district begin routine water quality testing, with the results available to the public.

Comparison of the immediate effects of gaseous ozone and chlorhexidine gel on bacteria in cavitated carious lesions in children in vivo

Clinical application of ozone gas has been shown to arrest the progression of dentinal caries in children. In this study, we compare the immediate effects of gaseous ozone and chlorhexidine gel on bacteria in cavitated carious lesions in children. Forty children, each with at least two open occlusal carious lesions, were enrolled in the study. Two teeth were chosen randomly. In one lesion, overlying soft biological material was removed, whilst the other lesion was not excavated. Cavities were rinsed with sterile water and dried with air. A standardised sample was taken from the mesial part of each lesion. Then, gaseous ozone (HealOzone) or 1% chlorhexidine gel (Corsodyl) was applied for 30 s on both lesions of 20 children each, and a second sample was taken from the distal part of each lesion. The anaerobic microbiota was cultivated; the number of colony forming units was calculated per milligram sample. The two-sided paired t test showed no significant (P > 0.05) differences in the reduction of total bacterial counts per milligram comparing samples before and after ozone or chlorhexidine application. The tests also showed no statistically significant difference whether the superficial decayed dentine had been removed before ozone or with chlorhexidine treatment or not. It can be concluded that gaseous ozone or chlorhexidine gel application for 30 s to deep occlusal carious cavities had no significant immediate antimicrobial effects whether the superficial decayed layers dentine were removed or not.

News from an Old Excavation: Two Hitherto Unnoticed Measure Capacity Signs on an Egyptian Stone Vessel of the Middle Kingdom from Royal Tomb II at Byblos

Excavated by French Egyptologist P. Montet in the 1920s, Royal Tomb II at Byblos (Bronze Age Gubla) yielded a significant number of Egyptian objects of the Middle Kingdom. Among these finds is a stone vessel with lid that carries the cartouche of a king named Amenemhat, often believed to be Amenemhat IV of the late Middle Kingdom. Hitherto unnoticed by the scholarly community, however, are two Egyptian measure capacity signs on the stone vessel itself. Since measure capacity signs on stone vessels dating to the Middle Kingdom are only rarely attested even in Egypt, the signs on the stone vessel from Royal Tomb II at Byblos therefore contribute considerably to our understanding of the use and application of such signs. The article deals with the examination of these signs and tries to correlate them with the actual capacity of the vessel.

Anmerkungen zu den (spät)persischen Samaria-Bullen aus dem Wadi ed-Dalije. Hellenisches, Persisches und Lokaltraditionen im Grenzgebiet der Provinz Jehud

The present article deals exemplarily with the remarkable iconographic attestations connected with the Wadi ed-Daliye (WD) findings. The discussed bullae were attached to papyri which provide a clear dating of the hoard between 375-335 BCE. Considering style and convention the preserved motives are to be classified as Persian, Greek or Greco-Persian. A major goal of the following presentation is the contextualization of the very material; this is achieved by taking into account local parallels as well as relevant attestations of the dominant / “imperial” cultures of Persia and Greece. The correlation of motives with the (often more complex, more detailed or more contoured) examples stemming from the “source-cultures” follows a clear agenda: It is methodologically based on the approach that was employed by Silvia Schroer and Othmar Keel throughout the project „Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient (IPIAO). Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern” (2005, 23ff). The WD-findings demand a careful analysis since the influencing cultures behind the imagery are deeply rooted in the field of Greek mythology and iconography. Special attention has to be drawn to the bullae, as far as excavated, from a huge Punic temple archive of Carthago (Berges 1997 and 2002) as well as those from the archive of the satrap seat in Daskyleion in the Northwest of Asia Minor (Kaptan 2002), which are chronologically close (end 5th and 4th century BCE) to the WD-finds. Not each and every single motive and artifact of the WD-corpus comprising more than 120 items can be dealt with in detail throughout the following pages. We refer to the editio princeps by Leith (1990, 1997) respectively to the concerning chapter in Keel’s Corpus volume II (Keel 2010, 340-379). The article gives a brief history of research (2.), some basic remarks on the development of style (3.) and a selection of detail-studies (4.). A crosscheck with other relevant corpora of stamp-seals (5.) as well as a compressed synthesis (6.) are contributions in order to characterize and classify the unique iconographic assemblage. There are rather few references to the late Persian coins from Samaria (Meshorer/Qedar 1999), which have been impressed about contemporaneous with the WD-bullae (372-333 BCE), as there is an article by Patrick Wyssmann in this volume about that specific corpus. Through the perspective of the late Persian iconography, Samaria appears as a dazzling metropolis at the crossroads of Greek and Persian culture, which is far away from a strict and revolutionary religious orthodoxy

High exchangeable calcium concentrations in soils on Barro Colorado Island, Panama

The soils on four lithologies (basaltic conglomerates, Bohio; Andesite; volcanoclastic sediments with basaltic agglomerates, Caimito volcanic; foraminiferal limestone, Caimito marine) on Barro Colorado Island (BCI) have high exchangeable Ca concentrations and cation-exchange capacities (CEC) compared to other tropical soils on similar parent material. In the 0–10 cm layer of 24 mineral soils, pH values ranged from 5.7 (Caimito volcanic and Andesite) to 6.5 (Caimito marine), concentrations of exchangeable Ca from 134 mmolc kg− 1 (Caimito volcanic) to 585 mmolc kg− 1 (Caimito marine), and cation exchange capacities from 317 mmolc kg− 1 (Caimito volcanic) to 933 mmolc kg− 1 (Caimito marine). X-ray diffractometry of the fraction < 2 μm revealed that smectites dominated the clay mineral assemblage in soil except on Caimito volcanic, where kaolinite was the dominant clay mineral. Exchangeable Ca concentrations decreased with increasing soil depth except on Caimito marine. The weathering indices Chemical Index of Alteration (CIA), Plagioclase Index of Alteration (PIA) and Weathering Index of Parker (WIP) determined for five soils on all geological formations, suggested that in contrast to expectation the topsoil (0–10 cm) appeared to be the least and the subsoil (50–70 cm) and saprolite (isomorphically weathered rock in the soil matrix) the most weathered. Additionally, the weathering indices indicated depletion of base cations and enrichment of Al-(hydr)oxides throughout the soil profile. Tree species did not have an effect on soil properties. Impeded leaching and the related occurrence of overland flow seem to be important in determining clay mineralogy. Our results suggest that (i) edaphic conditions favor the formation of smectites on most lithologies resulting in high CEC and thus high retention capacity for Ca and (ii) that there is an external source such as dust or sea spray deposition supplying Ca to the soils.

Schmiede ─ Heiligtum ─ Wassermühle. Cham-Hagendorn (Kanton Zug) in römischer Zeit. Ausgrabungen 1944/45 und 2003/04

1944/1945 wurde in Cham-Hagendorn eine Wassermühle ausgegraben, die dank ihrer aussergewöhnlich guten Holzerhaltung seit langem einen prominenten Platz in der Forschung einnimmt. 2003 und 2004 konnte die Kantonsarchäologie Zug den Platz erneut archäologisch untersuchen. Dabei wurden nicht nur weitere Reste der Wassermühle, sondern auch Spuren älterer und jüngerer Anlagen geborgen: eine ältere und eine jüngere Schmiedewerkstatt (Horizont 1a/Horizont 3) sowie ein zweiphasiges Heiligtum (Horizonte 1a/1b). All diese Anlagen lassen sich nun in das in den neuen Grabungen erkannte stratigraphische Gerüst einhängen (s. Beil. 2). Dank der Holzerhaltung können die meisten Phasen dendrochronologisch datiert werden (s. Abb. 4.1/1a): Horizont 1a mit Schlagdaten zwischen 162(?)/173 und 200 n. Chr., Horizont 1b um 215/218 n. Chr. und Horizont 2 um 231 n. Chr. Ferner konnten in den neuen Grabungen Proben für mikromorphologische und archäobotanische Untersuchungen entnommen werden (Kap. 2.2; 3.11). In der vorliegenden Publikation werden der Befund und die Baustrukturen vorgelegt, (Kap. 2), desgleichen sämtliche stratifizierten Funde und eine umfassende Auswahl der 1944/1945 geborgenen Funde (Kap. 3). Dank anpassender Fragmente, sog. Passscherben, lassen sich diese zum Teil nachträglich in die Schichtenabfolge einbinden. Die mikromorphologischen und die archäobotanischen Untersuchungen (Kap. 2.2; 3.11) zeigen, dass der Fundplatz in römischer Zeit inmitten einer stark vom Wald und dem Fluss Lorze geprägten Landschaft lag. In unmittelbarer Nähe können weder eine Siedlung noch einzelne Wohnbauten gelegen haben. Die demnach nur gewerblich und sakral genutzten Anlagen standen an einem Bach, der vermutlich mit jenem Bach identisch ist, der noch heute das Groppenmoos entwässert und bei Cham-Hagendorn in die Lorze mündet (s. Abb. 2.4/1). Der antike Bach führte wiederholt Hochwasser ─ insgesamt sind fünf grössere Überschwemmungsphasen auszumachen (Kap. 2.2; 2.4). Wohl anlässlich eines Seehochstandes durch ein Überschwappen der Lorze in den Bach ausgelöst, müssen diese Überschwemmungen eine enorme Gewalt entwickelt haben, der die einzelnen Anlagen zum Opfer fielen. Wie die Untersuchung der Siedlungslandschaft römischer Zeit rund um den Zugersee wahrscheinlich macht (Kap. 6 mit Abb. 6.2/2), dürften die Anlagen von Cham-Hagendorn zu einer in Cham-Heiligkreuz vermuteten Villa gehören, einem von fünf grösseren Landgütern in diesem Gebiet. Hinweise auf Vorgängeranlagen fehlen, mit denen die vereinzelten Funde des 1. Jh. n. Chr. (Kap. 4.5) in Verbindung gebracht werden könnten. Diese dürften eher von einer der Überschwemmungen bachaufwärts weggerissen und nach Cham-Hagendorn eingeschwemmt worden sein. Die Nutzung des Fundplatzes (Horizont 1a; s. Beil. 6) setzte um 170 n. Chr. mit einer Schmiedewerkstatt ein (Kap. 2.5.1). Der Fundanfall, insbesondere die Schmiedeschlacken (Kap. 3.9) belegen, dass hier nur hin und wieder Geräte hergestellt und repariert wurden (Kap. 5.2). Diese Werkstatt war vermutlich schon aufgelassen und dem Verfall preisgegeben, als man 200 n. Chr. (Kap. 4.2.4) auf einer Insel zwischen dem Bach und einem Lorzearm ein Heiligtum errichtete (Kap. 5.3). Beleg für den sakralen Status dieser Insel ist in erster Linie mindestens ein eigens gepflanzter Pfirsichbaum, nachgewiesen mit Pollen, einem Holz und über 400 Pfirsichsteinen (Kap. 3.11). Die im Bach verlaufende Grenze zwischen dem sakralen Platz und der profanen Umgebung markierte man zusätzlich mit einer Pfahlreihe (Kap. 2.5.3). In diese war ein schmaler Langbau integriert (Kap. 2.5.2), der an die oft an Temenosmauern antiker Heiligtümer angebauten Portiken erinnert und wohl auch die gleiche Funktion wie diese gehabt hatte, nämlich das Aufbewahren von Weihegaben und Kultgerät (Kap. 5.3). Das reiche Fundmaterial, das sich in den Schichten der ersten Überschwemmung fand (s. Abb. 5./5), die um 205/210 n. Chr. dieses Heiligtum zerstört hatte, insbesondere die zahlreiche Keramik (Kap. 3.2.4), und die zum Teil auffallend wertvollen Kleinfunde (Kap. 3.3.3), dürften zum grössten Teil einst in diesem Langbau untergebracht gewesen sein. Ein als Glockenklöppel interpretiertes, stratifiziertes Objekt spricht dafür, dass die fünf grossen, 1944/1945 als Stapel aufgefundenen Eisenglocken vielleicht auch dem Heiligtum zuzuweisen sind (Kap. 3.4). In diesen Kontext passen zudem die überdurchschnittlich häufig kalzinierten Tierknochen (Kap. 3.10). Nach der Überschwemmung befestigte man für 215 n. Chr. (Kap. 4.2.4) das unterspülte Bachufer mit einer Uferverbauung (Kap. 2.6.1). Mit dem Bau eines weiteren, im Bach stehenden Langbaus (Kap. 2.6.2) stellte man 218 n. Chr. das Heiligtum auf der Insel in ähnlicher Form wieder her (Horizont 1b; s. Beil. 7). Von der Pfahlreihe, die wiederum die sakrale Insel von der profanen Umgebung abgrenzte, blieben indes nur wenige Pfähle erhalten. Dennoch ist der sakrale Charakter der Anlage gesichert. Ausser dem immer noch blühenden Pfirsichbaum ist es ein vor dem Langbau aufgestelltes Ensemble von mindestens 23 Terrakottafigurinen (s. Abb. 3.6/1), elf Veneres, zehn Matres, einem Jugendlichen in Kapuzenmantel und einem kindlichen Risus (Kap. 3.6; s. auch Kap. 2.6.3). In den Sedimenten der zweiten Überschwemmung, der diese Anlage um 225/230 n. Chr. zum Opfer gefallen war, fanden sich wiederum zahlreiche Keramikgefässe (Kap. 3.2.4) und zum Teil wertvolle Kleinfunde wie eine Glasperle mit Goldfolie (Kap. 3.8.2) und eine Fibel aus Silber (Kap. 3.3.3), die wohl ursprünglich im Langbau untergebracht waren (Kap. 5.3.2 mit Abb. 5/7). Weitere Funde mit sicherem oder möglichem sakralem Charakter finden sich unter den 1944/1945 geborgenen Funden (s. Abb. 5/8), etwa ein silberner Fingerring mit Merkurinschrift, ein silberner Lunula-Anhänger, eine silberne Kasserolle (Kap. 3.3.3), eine Glasflasche mit Schlangenfadenauflage (Kap. 3.8.2) und einige Bergkristalle (Kap. 3.8.4). Im Bereich der Terrakotten kamen ferner mehrere Münzen (Kap. 3.7) zum Vorschein, die vielleicht dort niedergelegt worden waren. Nach der zweiten Überschwemmung errichtete man um 231 n. Chr. am Bach eine Wassermühle (Horizont 2; Kap. 2.7; Beil. 8; Abb. 2.7/49). Ob das Heiligtum auf der Insel wieder aufgebaut oder aufgelassen wurde, muss mangels Hinweisen offen bleiben. Für den abgehobenen Zuflusskanal der Wassermühle verwendete man mehrere stehen gebliebene Pfähle der vorangegangenen Anlagen der Horizonte 1a und 1b. Obwohl die Wassermühle den 28 jährlichen Überschwemmungshorizonten (Kap. 2.2) und den Funden (Kap. 4.3.2; 4.4.4; 45) zufolge nur bis um 260 n. Chr., während gut einer Generation, bestand, musste sie mindestens zweimal erneuert werden – nachgewiesen sind drei Wasserräder, drei Mühlsteinpaare und vermutlich drei Podeste, auf denen jeweils das Mahlwerk ruhte. Grund für diese Umbauten war wohl der weiche, instabile Untergrund, der zu Verschiebungen geführt hatte, so dass das Zusammenspiel von Wellbaum bzw. Sternnabe und Übersetzungsrad nicht mehr funktionierte und das ganze System zerbrach. Die Analyse von Pollen aus dem Gehhorizont hat als Mahlgut Getreide vom Weizentyp nachgewiesen (Kap. 3.11.4). Das Abzeichen eines Benefiziariers (Kap. 3.3.2 mit Abb. 3.3/23,B71) könnte dafür sprechen, dass das verarbeitete Getreide zumindest zum Teil für das römische Militär bestimmt war (s. auch Kap. 6.2.3). Ein im Horizont 2 gefundener Schreibgriffel und weitere stili sowie eine Waage für das Wägen bis zu 35-40 kg schweren Waren aus dem Fundbestand von 1944/1945 könnten davon zeugen, dass das Getreide zu wägen und zu registrieren war (Kap. 3.4.2). Kurz nach 260 n. Chr. fiel die Wassermühle einem weiteren Hochwasser zum Opfer. Für den folgenden Horizont 3 (Beil. 9) brachte man einen Kiesboden ein und errichtete ein kleines Gebäude (Kap. 2.8). Hier war wohl wiederum eine Schmiede untergebracht, wie die zahlreichen Kalottenschlacken belegen (Kap. 3.9), die im Umfeld der kleinen Baus zum Vorschein kamen. Aufgrund der Funde (Kap. 4.4.4; 4.5) kann diese Werkstatt nur kurze Zeit bestanden haben, höchstens bis um 270 n. Chr., bevor sie einem weiteren Hochwasser zum Opfer fiel. Von der jüngsten Anlage, die wohl noch in römische Zeit datiert (Horizont 4; Beil. 10), war lediglich eine Konstruktion aus grossen Steinplatten zu fassen (Kap. 2.9.1). Wozu sie diente, muss offen bleiben. Auch der geringe Fundanfall spricht dafür, dass die Nutzung des Platzes, zumindest für die römische Zeit, allmählich ein Ende fand (Kap. 4.5). Zu den jüngsten Strukturen gehören mehrere Gruben (Kap. 2.9.2), die vielleicht der Lehmentnahme dienten. Mangels Funden bleibt ihre Datierung indes ungewiss. Insbesondere wissen wir nicht, ob sie noch in römische Zeit datieren oder jünger sind. Spätestens mit der fünften Überschwemmung, die zur endgültigen Verlandung führte und wohl schon in die frühe Neuzeit zu setzen ist, wurde der Platz aufgelassen und erst mit dem Bau der bestehenden Fensterfabrik Baumgartner wieder besetzt.

John Garstang at Sirkeli Höyük, Cilician Plain, in 1936-1937: Old Photographs and New Evidence from the Renewed Excavations

During the winter of 1936-1937, British archaeologist John Garstang (1876-1956) excavated several trenches at the site of Sirkeli Höyük, located in the Plain of Cilicia (18 km west of modern-day Ceyhan). After a single campaign, however, he left the site and his interest shifted to site of Yumuktepe/Mersin, where he then excavated for a number of years. Apart from two very brief preliminary reports of his excavations at Sirkeli Höyük, which were published in the journal 'Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology of the University of Liverpool', not much is known about the trenches and their associated finds. Unpublished photographs kept in the Special Archives of University College London shed new light on the location and orientation of some of Garstang’s trenches at the site. Furthermore, in the 2012 campaign of the renewed Turkish-Swiss excavations at the site, a trench was found in the western part of the northern terrace that most probably was excavated by Garstang, but was not mentioned by him in his reports. This hitherto unknown trench may be related to his discovery of a lion-shaped column base made of basalt that is now kept in the collections of the Archaeological Museum of Adana.