Inclusive cross section and double helicity asymmetry for pi(0) production in p plus p collisions at root s=62.4 GeV

The PHENIX experiment presents results from the RHIC 2006 run with polarized p + p collisions at root s = 62.4 GeV, for inclusive pi(0) production at midrapidity. Unpolarized cross section results are measured for transverse momenta p(T) = 0.5 to 7 GeV/c. Next-to-leading order perturbative quantum chromodynamics calculations are compared with the data, and while the calculations are consistent with the measurements, next-to-leading logarithmic corrections improve the agreement. Double helicity asymmetries A(LL) are presented for p(T) = 1 to 4 GeV/c and probe the higher range of Bjorken x of the gluon (x(g)) with better statistical precision than our previous measurements at root s = 200 GeV. These measurements are sensitive to the gluon polarization in the proton for 0.06 < x(g) < 0.4.

Event structure and double helicity asymmetry in jet production from polarized p plus p collisions at root s=200 GeV

We report on the event structure and double helicity asymmetry (A(LL)) of jet production in longitudinally polarized p + p collisions at root s = 200 GeV. Photons and charged particles were measured by the PHENIX experiment at midrapidity vertical bar eta vertical bar < 0.35 with the requirement of a high-momentum (> 2 GeV/c) photon in the event. Event structure, such as multiplicity, p(T) density and thrust in the PHENIX acceptance, were measured and compared with the results from the PYTHIA event generator and the GEANT detector simulation. The shape of jets and the underlying event were well reproduced at this collision energy. For the measurement of jet A(LL), photons and charged particles were clustered with a seed-cone algorithm to obtain the cluster pT sum (p(T)(reco)). The effect of detector response and the underlying events on p(T)(reco) was evaluated with the simulation. The production rate of reconstructed jets is satisfactorily reproduced with the next-to-leading-order and perturbative quantum chromodynamics jet production cross section. For 4< p(T)(reco) < 12 GeV/c with an average beam polarization of < P > = 49% we measured Lambda(LL) = -0.0014 +/- 0.0037(stat) at the lowest p(T)(reco) bin (4-5 GeV= c) and -0.0181 +/- 0.0282(stat) at the highest p(T)(reco) bin (10-12 GeV= c) with a beam polarization scale error of 9.4% and a pT scale error of 10%. Jets in the measured p(T)(reco) range arise primarily from hard-scattered gluons with momentum fraction 0: 02 < x < 0: 3 according to PYTHIA. The measured A(LL) is compared with predictions that assume various Delta G(x) distributions based on the Gluck-Reya-Stratmann-Vogelsang parameterization. The present result imposes the limit -a.1 < integral(0.3)(0.02) dx Delta G(x, mu(2) = GeV2) < 0.4 at 95% confidence level or integral(0.3)(0.002) dx Delta G(x, mu(2) = 1 GeV2) < 0.5 at 99% confidence level.

Identified charged hadron production in p plus p collisions at root s=200 and 62.4 GeV

Transverse momentum distributions and yields for pi(+/-), K(+/-), p, and (p) over bar in p + p collisions at root s = 200 and 62.4 GeV at midrapidity are measured by the PHENIX experiment at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider (RHIC). These data provide important baseline spectra for comparisons with identified particle spectra in heavy ion collisions at RHIC. We present the inverse slope parameter T(inv), mean transverse momentum < p(T)>, and yield per unit rapidity dN/dy at each energy, and compare them to other measurements at different root s in p + p and p + (p) over bar collisions. We also present the scaling properties such as m(T) scaling and x(T) scaling on the p(T) spectra between different energies. To discuss the mechanism of the particle production in p + p collisions, the measured spectra are compared to next-to-leading-order or next-to-leading-logarithmic perturbative quantum chromodynamics calculations.

Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

Vic Slater during the Youth Campaign against Conscription, Brisbane, Australia

Vic Slater and police during the Youth Campaign against Conscription, Brisbane, Australia in 1965. Victor Charles Slater (now retired) was born in Queensland in March 1944 the only child of Jim and Joyce Slater, card carrying members of the Communist Party of Australia. Vic's mother, Joyce, joined up in Great Britain. Vic too joined the party in 1962 after a stint as president of the Eureka Youth League. He stayed with the more broad left CPA when it split from the hardline Stalinists after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Vic joined the Waterside Workers' Federation before his 21st birthday in January 1965, one of 300 casual workers recruited to the Port of Brisbane that year. On the wharves he soon earned the nickname 'the Professor' arriving on the job each day bespectacled and carrying a briefcase heavy with reading matter on world politics and economics - a walking encyclopaedia of information. [information kindly provided by Peter Gray]

The politics and ethics of relocated art

At the end of Word War II, Soviet occupation forces removed countless art objects from German soil. Some of them were returned during the 1950s, but most either disappeared for good or were stored away secretly in cellars of Soviet museums. The Cold War then covered the issue with silence. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, museums in St Petersburg and Moscow started to exhibit some of the relocated art for the first time in half a century. The unusual quality of the paintings-mostly impressionist masterpieces-not only attracted the attention of the international art community, but also triggered a diplomatic row between Russia and Germany. Both governments advanced moral and legal claims to ownership. To make things even more complicated, many of the paintings once belonged to private collectors, some of whom were Jews. Their descendants also entered the dispute. The basic premise of this article is that the political and ethical dimensions of relocated art can be understood most adequately by eschewing a single authorial standpoint. Various positions, sometimes incommensurable ones, are thus explored in an attempt to outline possibilities for an ethics of representation and a dialogical solution to the international problem that relocated art has become.

Critical review of acid in situ leach uranium mining: 1. USA and Australia

The technique of in situ leach (ISL) uranium mining is well established in the USA, as well as being used extensively in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The method is being proposed and tested on uranium deposits in Australia, with sulfuric acid chemistry and no restoration of groundwater following mining. Test sites in the USA were required to restore groundwater to ascertain the extent of impacts and compare costs to alkaline ISL mines. The problems encountered include expensive and difficult restoration, gypsum precipitation, higher salinity and some heavy metals and radionuclides after restoration. One of the most critical issues is whether natural attenuation is capable of restoring groundwater quality and geochemical conditions in an acid leached aquifer zone. The history of acid ISL sites in the USA and Australia are presented in this study, with a particular focus on the demonstration of restoration of groundwater impacts.

Auschwitz-Pilecki-Huber-Rosa Branca-Ratzinger-Wojtyla!

Estima-se que em Auschwitz tenham morrido, de modo directo, cerca de 1,5 milhões de pessoas. 90% eram judeus. 150 mil polacos, 23 mil ciganos, 15 mil prisioneiros soviéticos, milhares de pessoas de diferentes nacionalidades incluindo, p.e., homossexuais e deficientes físicos e mentais. E ainda cerca de 400 testemunhas de jeová. § It is estimated that at Auschwitz died, directly, about 1.5 million people. 90% were Jews. 150,000 Poles, 23,000 gypsies, 15,000 Soviet prisoners, thousands of people of different nationalities including, eg, homosexuals and physically and mentally disabled. And still about 400 Jehovah's Witnesses.

A dimensão política da segurança para o ciberespaço na União Europeia : a agenda digital, a estratégia de cibersegurança e a cooperação UE-OTAN

Mestrado em Relações Internacionais.

O futurismo russo: Maiakovsky ou a "Nuvem de calças"

Este breve ensaio sobre o poeta e escritor russo Vladimir Mayakovsky é uma modesta tentativa de contribuir para um (re)descobrimento ou para uma simples revisitação da produção literária russa do período soviético, que, por razões muitas vezes apenas de ordem política e não estética, caiu no esquecimento, não sendo traduzida na sua totalidade, como é o caso de Mayakovsky, ou, pura e simplesmente, sendo votada ao “ostracismo”, porque rotulada, a priori ou ab initio, como obras escritas dentro das paredes estreitas do “realismo socialista”, padecendo de falta de criatividade e norteandose, aberta ou dissimuladamente, pelos princípios rígidos e imutáveis de um totalitarismo inflexível. Contudo, nem toda a literatura soviética pode ser enquadrada no realismo socialista, valendo a pena conhecê-la e analisá-la.

How effective is dog culling in controlling zoonotic visceral leishmaniasis? a critical evaluation of the science, politics and ethics behind this public health policy

INTRODUCTION: Zoonotic kala-azar, a lethal disease caused by protozoa of the genus Leishmania is considered out of control in parts of the world, particularly in Brazil, where transmission has spread to cities throughout most of the territory and mortality presents an increasing trend. Although a highly debatable measure, the Brazilian government regularly culls seropositive dogs to control the disease. Since control is failing, critical analysis concerning the actions focused on the canine reservoir was conducted. METHODS: In a review of the literature, a historical perspective focusing mainly on comparisons between the successful Chinese and Soviet strategies and the Brazilian approach is presented. In addition, analyses of the principal studies regarding the role of dogs as risk factors to humans and of the main intervention studies regarding the efficacy of the dog killing strategy were undertaken. Brazilian political reaction to a recently published systematic review that concluded that the dog culling program lacked efficiency and its effect on public policy were also reviewed. RESULTS: No firm evidence of the risk conferred by the presence of dogs to humans was verified; on the contrary, a lack of scientific support for the policy of killing dogs was confirmed. A bias for distorting scientific data towards maintaining the policy of culling animals was observed. CONCLUSIONS: Since there is no evidence that dog culling diminishes visceral leishmaniasis transmission, it should be abandoned as a control measure. Ethical considerations have been raised regarding distorting scientific results and the killing of animals despite minimal or absent scientific evidence

O papel de Nikita Khrushchev no Complexo Militar e Industrial, no quadro da Guerra Fria

A presente dissertação visa aferir a dimensão e a relevância das alterações operadas por Nikita Khrushchev, enquanto líder da União Soviética, no Complexo Militar e Industrial deste país, no período da Guerra Fria. Neste contexto, as mesmas serão analisadas e proceder-se-á, paralelamente, ao estudo do impacto das mesmas a nível interno, bem como a nível externo, na interacção da União Soviética com os restantes actores da comunidade internacional, nomeadamente os Estados Unidos. Mormente, como forma de contextualizar as referidas alterações, proceder-se-á também ao apuramento dos motivos que estiveram subjacentes à transmutação de uma componente relevante nas Relações Internacionais, o Complexo Militar e Industrial Soviético.

Arshile Gorky: An Armenian in New York

Born in Armenia, the oldest Christian country in the world but nevertheless one of the youngest reinstated republics (1991) after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Arshile Gorky flew to the United States in 1920, where he chose to reinvent himself in the struggle to become an artist. This reinvention meant the creation of a persona with, or behind, which Gorky kept alive the artistic flame inside himself. Gorky became one of the most learned voices lecturing on contemporary European modernist artists and movements of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the United States (New York) without ever visiting Europe. Moreover, he was able to survive the traumatic events he underwent during the Armenian Genocide (1915-1919) to adapt to his new country and identity, to live through the years of the Depression and, eventually, to become the protagonistof a major artistic breakthrough. This paper proposes an insight into the experience of life and frame of work of this Armenian-American artist, whose simultaneously rich, traumatic, dislocated and reenacted life and work established one of the most fertile links between his middle‑eastern origins, his dreamed of Europe and the particular transit of his American artistic creation.

Continuidade e mudança. O sistema internacional no post‐Guerra Fria

O fim da Guerra Fria é um caso inédito de mudança pacífica da estrutura internacional, em que os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética transcendem a divisão bipolar para decidir os termos da paz no quadro das instituições que definem o modelo de ordenamento multilateral, consolidando a sua legitimidade. Nesse contexto, ao contrário dos casos precedentes de reconstrução internacional no fim de uma guerra hegemónica, o novo sistema do post-Guerra Fria, caracterizado pela unipolaridade, pela regionalização e pela homogeneização, forma-se num quadro de continuidade institucional. A ordem política do post-Guerra Fria é um sistema misto em que as tensões entre a hierarquia unipolar e a anarquia multipolar, a integração global e a fragmentação regional e a homogeneidade e a heterogeneidade política, ideológica e cultural condicionam as estratégias das potências. As crises internacionais vão pôr à prova a estabilidade da nova ordem e a sua capacidade para garantir mudanças pacíficas. A primeira década do post-Guerra Fria mostra a preponderância dos Estados Unidos e a sua confiança crescente, patente nas Guerras do Golfo Pérsico e dos Balcãs, bem como na crise dos Estreitos da Formosa. A reacção aos atentados do "11 de Setembro" revela uma tentação imperial da potência unipolar, nomeadamente com a invasão do Iraque, que provoca uma crise profunda da comunidade de segurança ocidental. A vulnerabilidade do centro da ordem internacional é confirmada pela crise constitucional europeia e pela crise financeira global. Essas crises não alteram a estrutura de poder mas aceleram a erosão da ordem multilateral e criam um novo quadro de possibilidades para a evolução internacional, que inclui uma escalada dos conflitos num quadro de multipolaridade regional, uma nova polarização entre as potências democráticas conservadoras e uma coligação revisionista autoritária, bem como a restauração de um concerto entre as principais potências internacionais.

As peculiaridades da democratização da região do Cáucaso do Sul no contexto da Política Europeia de Vizinhança

O período após o colapso da União Soviética foi o tempo da procura de novas identidades na nova realidade e de escolha de novos parceiros e aliados, o tempo da construção de novos estados e de formulação das regras e normas nacionais. Após o desmoronamento da ideologia soviética - um facto reconhecido oficialmente durante o período da Perestroika –, as pessoas sentiram uma necessidade de preencher o vácuo ideológico e desenvolver uma nova identidade. Foi proclamada a rejeição da estrutura política administrativa herdada da União Soviética e do sistema de economia planificada, e desenvolvida a tendência para a construção do estado democrático fundado numa economia de mercado. As expectativas relativas às transformações no período pós-soviético estavam relacionadas com o Ocidente (EUA e UE), e a construção do estado soberano foi fundada em modelos ocidentais de estado de direito, ‘boa governança’ e a economia de mercado. A UE desempenhou um papel importante na democratização dos estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso através de vários projetos e programas bilaterais e multilaterais no âmbito da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da Parceria Oriental. Embora as reformas democráticas tenham sido realizadas com vista ao estabelecimento de uma Constituição democrática, à implementação de eleições democráticas e ao desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, fortaleceram, também, ainda mais, a natureza autoritária do poder, impediram a criação de um estado de direito, reforçaram violação dos direitos e das liberdades humanas. (NODIYA, 2003: 30; BAKHMAN, 2003: 17; BADALOV, 2003: 20). Deste modo, o processo da promoção da democracia através das reformas nos três estados do Sul do Cáucaso conduziu à criação de estados de “conteúdo autocrático misto, mas de forma democrática” (CHETERYAN, 2003: 41). Embora seja possível identificar as semelhanças entre os três estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso nas reformas do processo de desenvolvimento, os métodos e meios de implementação de reformas nas realidades dos estados regionais pela administração nacional foram bastante diferentes, por razões associadas às especificidades de cada um (DELCOUR e WOLCZUK, 2013: 3). Cada país é caracterizado pelas suas peculiaridades ao nível da situação geopolítica e diversidade do potencial económico – fatores que definem a trajetória política e económica do estado no período pós-soviético e, em certa medida, influenciam o modo como se desenvolvem as relações com a UE e, portanto, o processo de adoção das reformas e a sua introdução a nível nacional.