The individual and society in the GDR under Honecker : orthodoxy, dissidence and internal debate.

The thesis offers a comparative interdisciplinary approach to the examination of the intellectual debates about the relationship between individual and society in the GDR under Honecker. It shows that there was not only a continuum of debate between the academic disciplines, but also from the radical critics of the GDR leadership such as Robert Havemann, Rudolf Bahro and Stefan Heym through the social scientists, literary critics and legal theorists working in the academic institutions to theorists close to the GDR leadership. It also shows that the official line and policy of the ruling party itself on the question of the individual and society was not static over the period, but changed in response to internal and external pressures. Over the period 1971 - 1989 greater emphasis was placed by many intellectuals on the individual, his needs and interests. It was increasingly recognised that conflicts could exist between the individual and society in GDR socialism. Whereas the radical critics argued that these conflicts were due to features of GDR society, such as the hierarchical system of labour functions and bureaucracy, and extrapolated from this a general conflict between the political leadership and population, orthodox critics argued that conflicts existed between a specific individual and society and were largely due to external and historical factors. The internal critics also pointed to the social phenomena which were detrimental to the individual's development in the GDR, but they put forward less radical solutions. With the exception of a few radical young writers, all theorists studied in this thesis gave precedence to social interests over individual interests and so did not advocate a return to `individualistic' positions. The continuity of sometimes quite controversial discussions in the GDR academic journals and the flexibility of the official line and policy suggests that it is inappropriate to refer to GDR society under Honecker simply as totalitarian, although it did have some totalitarian features. What the thesis demonstrates is the existence of `Teiloffentlichkeiten' in which critical discussion is conducted even as the official, orthodox line is given out for public consumption in the high-circulation media.

The Legitimation of authority in the European Union

The founding Treaties of the European Union (EU) provide the Commission with bureaucratic structures and functions, and the authority to take a political leadership role in the integration process. However, the legitimacy of the Commission's authority to act either as a bureaucracy or as a political institution is periodically contested, as is the authority and leadership of its President. Max Weber's theory of the legitimation of authority suggests itself in this context as a working tool for assessing the nature of institutional and individual authority and leadership in the Commission and the broader EU context. Weber's typology of authority offers both an understanding of the changes in the Commission's fortunes within the 'would-be polity' of the European institutions, and an appraisal of claims to authority at the individual level by the Commission President. When applied to two contrasting moments in the Commission's life during the presidency of Jacques Delors (the generating of the White Papers of 1985 and 1993), Weber's typology provides an explanation for the evolution of the legitimation of these forms of authority in terms of, first, the Union's imperfect provisions for legitimate claims to leadership authority on 'charismatic' grounds and, second, the absence in the Union of resources for leadership legitimacy based on 'traditional'-type authority, such as explicit, popular, or party political European-wide support for the project of European union. These are resources which, if present in the EU, would legitimise calls to reform the EU's institutions in the direction of more integration and a more federal polity. The case studies offer an appraisal of the functioning and malfunctioning of authority within the Union, as well as a critical assessment of the applicability of the Weberian model to the legitimation of authority in the EU.

Self-regulation of health and safety in a Local Authority with particular reference to safety representatives, supervisors and safety committees

The Report of the Robens Committee (1972), the Health and Safety at Work Act (1974) and the Safety Representatives and Safety Committees Regulations (1977) provide the framework within which this study of certain aspects of health and safety is carried out. The philosophy of self-regulation is considered and its development is set within an historical and an industrial relations perspective. The research uses a case study approach to examine the effectiveness of self-regulation in health and safety in a public sector organisation. Within this approach, methodological triangulation employs the techniques of interviews, questionnaires, observation and documentary analysis. The work is based in four departments of a Scottish Local Authority and particular attention is given to three of the main 'agents' of self-regulation - safety representatives, supervisors and safety committees and their interactions, strategies and effectiveness. A behavioural approach is taken in considering the attitudes, values, motives and interactions of safety representatives and management. Major internal and external factors, which interact and which influence the effectiveness of joint self-regulation of health and safety, are identified. It is emphasised that an organisation cannot be studied without consideration of the context within which it operates both locally and in the wider environment. One of these factors, organisational structure, is described as bureaucratic and the model of a Representative Bureaucracy described by Gouldner (1954) is compared with findings from the present study. An attempt is made to ascertain how closely the Local Authority fits Gouldner's model. This research contributes both to knowledge and to theory in the subject area by providing an in-depth study of self-regulation in a public sector organisation, which when compared with such studies as those of Beaumont (1980, 1981, 1982) highlights some of the differences between the public and private sectors. Both empirical data and hypothetical models are used to provide description and explanation of the operation of the health and safety system in the Local Authority. As data were collected during a dynamic period in economic, political and social terms, the research discusses some of the effects of the current economic recession upon safety organisation.

New lecturers' beliefs about learning, teaching and assessment in higher education:the role of the PGCLTHE programme

This study was carried out with new lecturers on a two year Post Graduate Certificate in Learning and Teaching in Higher Education programme in a UK university. The aim was to establish their beliefs about how studying on the programme aligned with their teaching and learning philosophy and what, if anything, had changed or constrained those beliefs. Ten lecturers took part in an in-depth semi-structured interview. Content analysis of the transcripts suggested positive reactions to the programme but lecturers’ new insights were sometimes constrained by departments and university bureaucracy, particularly in the area of assessment. The conflicting roles of research and teaching were also a major issue facing these new professionals.

In defence of amateurism:on not professionalizing ethnic and racial studies

This piece suggests that the field of ethnic and racial studies is too diverse in theoretical and methodological approach and subject of study to constitute its own discipline. Instead, ethnic and racial studies remains a loosely defined space of interdisciplinary exchange. There is a sense of community among researchers in this field, but teaching continues to be organized to meet the imperatives of different home disciplines. This article argues that in these times of increasing bureaucracy, standardization and managerial intrusion into academic life, there is a positive benefit in retaining a relatively open space of inquiry where we can consider the construction of contemporary social boundaries.

Bureaucratic reform in post-Asian crisis Indonesia:the Directorate General of Tax

Our research examines a key aspect of the extensive bureaucratic reform program that was applied to the Indonesian public sector following the Asian Economic crisis. The organisation we focus on is the Indonesian Directorate of Tax. The reforms moved the case organisation towards more bureaucratic organisational arrangements. The most notable elements of the reforms related to the organisational efficiency and changes in administrative style and culture. An ethnographic approach was adopted, in which the researcher was immersed in the life of the selected case organisation over an extended period of time. This research extends a thin literature on the topic of management control and culture in the Indonesian context. Also, this paper fills a gap in the theoretic approaches for studying bureaucracy, which is dominated by western conceptualisations. This paper provides a reminder to policy makers (including organisation such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) of the consequences of neglecting cultural influences when conducting bureaucratic reform.

Institutional complexity in Thai state-owned enterprises:the implementation of performance measurement systems

This study explores institutional complexity in Thai State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). In doing so, a qualitative approach has been employed in this study in order to identify institutional logics in the field of Thai SOEs and to understand organisational and individual perceptions of institutional complexity in the implementation of performance measurement systems (PMS) and how they respond to the complexity. To achieve this goal, two Thai SOEs were studied, both of which faced challenges in the implementation of Economic Value Management (EVM) and Balance Scorecard (BSC) as well as difficulties in linking their individual BSC and incentive systems. The qualitative data were collected from semi-structured interviews and document reviews. The empirical aspects of this study reveal that the institutional logics in the field of Thai SOEs are the logic of bureaucracy, commercial operations, social activities, seniority and unity. Regarding the multiple institutional logics embedded, SOEs experienced the institutional complexity in the implementation of PMS. The results suggest that the organisations have decoupled the EVM and loosely coupled the BSC from organisational practices to cope with institutional complexity and conflict institutional demands. Also, the evidence shows that the institutional logics influence SOEs’ actions towards resisting changes incentive systems and the relationship between individual BSC and incentives.

Versenyképesség-történetek - Nemzetgazdasági versenyképességről szóló vélekedések összehasonlító elemzése = Narratives on Competitiveness – A Comparative Analysis of Perceptions and Concepts about National Competitiveness

The scope of the present study is twofold. First, through in-depth interviews, it aims to explore the perception and concepts of non-political leaders (Deputy State Secretaries and Heads of Department) of the Hungarian economic bureaucracy concerning the competitiveness of the Hungarian economy. Second, it compares the obtained results to the perception and concepts salient in the political and business sphere as well as in the methodology of the international competitiveness rankings. The analysis covers issues of competitiveness such as (1) problems of the competitiveness of Hungarian economy, (2) directions of good policy, (3) agents of competitiveness, (4) future of the Hungarian economy, (5) political obstacles of good policy.

The use of presidential executive orders to control the management and administration of the federal government

As long as governmental institutions have existed, efforts have been undertaken to reform them. This research examines a particular strategy, coercive controls, exercised through a particular instrument, executive orders, by a singular reformer, the president of the United States. The presidents studied-- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton--are those whose campaigns for office were characterized to varying degrees as against Washington bureaucracy and for executive reform. Executive order issuance is assessed through an examination of key factors for each president including political party affiliation, levels of political capital, and legislative experience. A classification typology is used to identify the topical dimensions and levels of coerciveness. The portrayal of the federal government is analyzed through examination of public, media, and presidential attention. The results show that executive orders are significant management tools for the president. Executive orders also represent an important component of the transition plans for incoming administrations. The findings indicate that overall, while executive orders have not increased in the aggregate, they are more intrusive and significant. When the factors of political party affiliation, political capital, and legislative experience are examined, it reveals a strong relationship between executive orders and previous executive experience, specifically presidents who served as a state governor prior to winning national election as president. Presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton (all former governors) have the highest percent of executive orders focusing on the federal bureaucracy. Additionally, the highest percent of forceful orders were issued by former governors (41.0%) as compared to their presidential counterparts who have not served as governors (19.9%). Secondly, political party affiliation is an important, but not significant, predictor for the use of executive orders. Thirdly, management strategies that provide the president with the greatest level of autonomy--executive orders--redefine the concept of presidential power and autonomous action. Interviews of elite government officials and political observers support the idea that executive orders can provide the president with a successful management strategy, requiring less expenditure of political resources, less risk to political capital, and a way of achieving objectives without depending on an unresponsive Congress. ^

The Everglades Ecosystem and the Politics of Nature

In this article, I offer an institutional history of the ecosystem concept, tracing shifts in its meaning and application as it has become the key organizing principle for the Everglades restoration program in Florida. Two institutional forms are analyzed here: (1) quasigovernmental organizations, a term I use to describe interagency science collaboratives and community stakeholder organizations, and (2) government bureaucracies, which are the administrative agencies tasked with Everglades restoration planning and implementation. In analyzing these knowledge trajectories, I both document the complex networks of relations that facilitate the ecosystem’s emergence as an object of knowledge and examine the bureaucratic claims to authority that circumscribe the ecosystem’s transformation into policy.

A deontic analysis of inter -organizational control requirements

This research focuses on the design and verification of inter-organizational controls. Instead of looking at a documentary procedure, which is the flow of documents and data among the parties, the research examines the underlying deontic purpose of the procedure, the so-called deontic process, and identifies control requirements to secure this purpose. The vision of the research is a formal theory for streamlining bureaucracy in business and government procedures. ^ Underpinning most inter-organizational procedures are deontic relations, which are about rights and obligations of the parties. When all parties trust each other, they are willing to fulfill their obligations and honor the counter parties’ rights; thus controls may not be needed. The challenge is in cases where trust may not be assumed. In these cases, the parties need to rely on explicit controls to reduce their exposure to the risk of opportunism. However, at present there is no analytic approach or technique to determine which controls are needed for a given contracting or governance situation. ^ The research proposes a formal method for deriving inter-organizational control requirements based on static analysis of deontic relations and dynamic analysis of deontic changes. The formal method will take a deontic process model of an inter-organizational transaction and certain domain knowledge as inputs to automatically generate control requirements that a documentary procedure needs to satisfy in order to limit fraud potentials. The deliverables of the research include a formal representation namely Deontic Petri Nets that combine multiple modal logics and Petri nets for modeling deontic processes, a set of control principles that represent an initial formal theory on the relationships between deontic processes and documentary procedures, and a working prototype that uses model checking technique to identify fraud potentials in a deontic process and generate control requirements to limit them. Fourteen scenarios of two well-known international payment procedures—cash in advance and documentary credit—have been used to test the prototype. The results showed that all control requirements stipulated in these procedures could be derived automatically.^

A Deontic Analysis of Inter-Organizational Control Requirements

This research focuses on the design and verification of inter-organizational controls. Instead of looking at a documentary procedure, which is the flow of documents and data among the parties, the research examines the underlying deontic purpose of the procedure, the so-called deontic process, and identifies control requirements to secure this purpose. The vision of the research is a formal theory for streamlining bureaucracy in business and government procedures. Underpinning most inter-organizational procedures are deontic relations, which are about rights and obligations of the parties. When all parties trust each other, they are willing to fulfill their obligations and honor the counter parties’ rights; thus controls may not be needed. The challenge is in cases where trust may not be assumed. In these cases, the parties need to rely on explicit controls to reduce their exposure to the risk of opportunism. However, at present there is no analytic approach or technique to determine which controls are needed for a given contracting or governance situation. The research proposes a formal method for deriving inter-organizational control requirements based on static analysis of deontic relations and dynamic analysis of deontic changes. The formal method will take a deontic process model of an inter-organizational transaction and certain domain knowledge as inputs to automatically generate control requirements that a documentary procedure needs to satisfy in order to limit fraud potentials. The deliverables of the research include a formal representation namely Deontic Petri Nets that combine multiple modal logics and Petri nets for modeling deontic processes, a set of control principles that represent an initial formal theory on the relationships between deontic processes and documentary procedures, and a working prototype that uses model checking technique to identify fraud potentials in a deontic process and generate control requirements to limit them. Fourteen scenarios of two well-known international payment procedures -- cash in advance and documentary credit -- have been used to test the prototype. The results showed that all control requirements stipulated in these procedures could be derived automatically.

The use of presidential executive orders to control the management and administration of the federal government

As long as governmental institutions have existed, efforts have been undertaken to reform them. This research examines a particular strategy, coercive controls, exercised through a particular instrument, executive orders, by a singular reformer, the president of the United States. The presidents studied- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton-are those whose campaigns for office were characterized to varying degrees as against Washington bureaucracy and for executive reform. Executive order issuance is assessed through an examination of key factors for each president including political party affiliation, levels of political capital, and legislative experience. A classification typology is used to identify the topical dimensions and levels of coerciveness. The portrayal of the federal government is analyzed through examination of public, media, and presidential attention. The results show that executive orders are significant management tools for the president. Executive orders also represent an important component of the transition plans for incoming administrations. The findings indicate that overall, while executive orders have not increased in the aggregate, they are more intrusive and significant. When the factors of political party affiliation, political capital, and legislative experience are examined, it reveals a strong relationship between executive orders and previous executive experience, specifically presidents who served as a state governor prior to winning national election as president. Presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton (all former governors) have the highest percent of executive orders focusing on the federal bureaucracy. Additionally, the highest percent of forceful orders were issued by former governors (41.0%) as compared to their presidential counterparts who have not served as governors (19.9%). Secondly, political party affiliation is an important, but not significant, predictor for the use of executive orders. Thirdly, management strategies that provide the president with the greatest level of autonomy-executive orders redefine the concept of presidential power and autonomous action. Interviews of elite government officials and political observers support the idea that executive orders can provide the president with a successful management strategy, requiring less expenditure of political resources, less risk to political capital, and a way of achieving objectives without depending on an unresponsive Congress.

Das palavras à vida: o prazer em Max Weber

The thesis has as its goal the discussion over the pleasure as an intellectual and personal subject for Max Weber. The main references are The Sociology of Religion, Science as a Vocation and Politics as a Vocation, Bureaucracy, The sense of "Axiological Neutrality" in Social and Economic Sciences. Many authors were researched for information about his life, with a highlight to the biography written by his wife Marianne Weber, for its great number of excerpts from letters and informal conversations. The subject "pleasure" was developed by taking into consideration the complexity of this phenomenon which happens in an ambivalent and multiple ways. In order to do that, we started from the paradigm of the complexity according to Edgar Morin's view, Georges Bataille's discussions on erotism and the antinomic comprehension of Lepegneur and Onfray, who define pleasure as a phenomenon with ambiguities, and the historical references of Peter Gay, Nobert Elias, Wolf Lepenies. In Max Weber, pleasure presents, also, this ambiguity, as his scientific approach is registering the absence of pleasure for the rise of a protestant ethic and, besides that, to support with a process of disenchantment of the world which leads us to a meaningless life. Weber goes through great changes in the last years of his life. In this period he includes in his comments the subjects "erotism" and "arts" with the possibility of escaping from modem everyday routine that affects the individual's existential freedom. However, his ambiguous position about these possibilities take him to consider that a situation o f personal confrontation, considered heroical, once, in his opinion, each one accepts the consequences o f their acts and builds their values to give a meaning to their own existence. The pleasure in Weber is, above ali aspects, intellectual and existential: side by side with the routine, bureaucracy and disenchantment ofthe world was the possibility of charisma, vocation and passion. However, always he related these characteristics to the discomfort that the modem world presented to men, he, as a scientist, was ethical. This is the main argument ofthis thesis

Todo nordeste que couber a gente publica: o The New York Times e as representações do nordeste brasileiro na era da política da boa vizinhança (1933-1945)

The Brazilian Northeast has been a constant subject for journalists of one of the world's leading media companies - The New York Times - between 1933 and 1945. This time, the US government implemented a new foreign policy for Latin America - known as the Good Neighbor Policy. It preached, various points including more respect and attention to the countries south of U.S. borders. Because of her geostrategic importance, Brazil was one of the countries that received the most attention of the bureaucracy and American press. This study investigates the multiple Northeast representations formulated in The New York Times' pages when the Americans were spotlight is on the region. It delineates similarities and differences between the NYT, the press and the governments of the United States and Brazil from the ways of conceiving this particular part of Brazil. Through the analysis of texts, photographs and maps, it is dedicated to establish connections between spaces, press and politics of the 1930s and 1940s. These decades there were relevant changes in the political landscape of both countries that permeated the news, reports and articles of NYT. Circumstances such as the 1935 armed uprisings - known as Communist Conspiracy - the installation and operation of the New State, and especially the Brazilian and US participation in World War II and the bilateral negotiations on the installation of US bases in Brazil were cardinal for the various Northeast images that circulated in the publication. The region was repeatedly subject of correspondent of the New York newspaper in Brazil, Frank M. Garcia, but also present on matters of professionals responsible for various sections: review of books, publishing, tourism, foreign affairs, etc. Along the investigated period, the visions of the region made in the articles published in the newspaper that suffered major metamorphoses. Starting with Northeast of the drought, famine and death recurrent in Brazilian literature to the most dangerous point for hemispheric defense, passing through representations of the American West lawless nineteenth century and the Latin America marked by the dominance of exotic nature and stagnation, a space to be transformed by the US technical knowledge.