Towards an uncertain future? The strengthening of Japan's autonomy in Asia-Pacific

Recently, Japan has been increasing tensions with China regarding the Pinnacle Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. Due to the Chinese military development, Japan has been working on its political and military strengthening in Asia. This essay presents two possible scenarios for Japan.

Ballot Initiatives, Constitutional Referendums and Effects on Various Groups

Direct legislation in the United States is a subject that has received a great deal of attention recently. A large proportion of this attention however has been focused on the potential for direct legislation to harm minority groups. An example of this negative potential can be seen in a group of ballot propositions that were presented to California voters in the 1990s. These initiatives can all be interpreted as targeting various minority groups in California. As California is the state which makes use of the ballot initiative more frequently than any other, this is a cause for concern. There are however several other factors that make it unclear whether direct legislation will more often lead to negative outcomes for minorities. There is also a noticeable effect of direct democracy generally on political participation. Several studies have found a positive correlation between the extent that a state uses ballot initiatives and referenda with political participation indexes such as voting rates. These findings complicate the negative attention that ballot initiatives have recently received.

The eagle and the starlings: Galileo's argument for the autonomy of science-how pertinent is it today?

After Galileo's argument for the autonomy of science is analysed and adapted to take into account later developments of scientific practices, we conclude that, in the final analysis, it is not compelling. Nevertheless, Galileo's argument still provides a useful point of reference, for aspects of it can be interpreted to anticipate central components of the often acclaimed ideal of science as value free, so that appraising it contributes to the larger purpose of exploring how well that ideal stands up today. Finally, we will argue that residue from Galileo's struggle with the Church remains with us, making it difficult to identify the conditions that would need to be put into place today for any robust sense of the autonomy of science to be defensible. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Harassment at work? Empowerment and autonomy as coping strategies of young workers

There is a considerable number of researches about workplace violence, but few relate young workers and work harassment. This study aimed to investigate the reported perceptions of young apprentices and trainees about moral harassment at work and related coping strategies. Forty adolescent workers (22 men and 18 women) between 15 and 20 years old who received training by a non-governmental organization in Sao Paulo, Brazil, participated in the study. Data collection included individual and collective interviews. It was used an in-depth semi structured interview protocol. The discourses were analyzed using the hermeneutic-dialectic frame. Results showed that young workers reported little or no knowledge of strategies to cope with moral harassment at work, showing vulnerability to the effects of aggression. Effective coping strategies at work should embrace two important concepts of health promotion: empowerment and autonomy.

Hands-on experiments in the Practicum: repositioning student teachers' autonomy.

Following a worldwide trend, the Initial Teacher Education (ITE) Programmes in Brazil are recently searching for ways of integrating practice into curriculum. It raises question about what practice must be integrated and how. Notably, university-based courses are disconnected from school and have low commitment with school issues (Zeichner, 2009).The student teacher induction into school daily life is not an easy task, mainly when the practitioners are transforming physics classroom practice toward an active learning. Drawing on cultural-historical framework (Wolff-Michael Roth & Lee, 2007; Vygotsky, 1978) this study addresses the articulation between Practicum in Physics Classes and the Hands-on Experiments (HoE) used throughout the Practicum. Although in a different level, both Practicum and HoE are linked with an idea of practice. Particularly, this study focuses on how HoE might foster student teachers' autonomy and agency in the Practicum. Data was gathered in the course Practice of Physics Teaching at University of São Paulo/Brazil in 2010; in a cohort of 60 student teachers doing a year-long Practicum in urban school in São Paulo city. Data was analysed using qualitative research methods (Roth, 2005), based on 14 interviews and video records of the student teacher preparing the HoE for Practicum we will present in general lines the role of HoE for student teacher autonomy.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

La inclusión de declaraciones de derechos y principios en los Estatutos de Italia y España

La ricerca riguarda l’inclusione di dichiarazioni di diritti e principi introdotte negli Statuti di autonomia delle Regioni italiane e delle Comunità Autonome spagnole riformati negli ultimi anni. La tesi consta, oltre che nell’introduzione dei concetti preliminari, di due parti per ognuno dei Paesi nelle quali si esaminano i sistemi regionali e concretamente queste carte di diritti e principi. La terza parte raccoglie un’analisi comparativa di ambedue gli Stati. Il problema dell’efficacia di questi diritti e principi rappresenta la chiave fondamentale. In questo senso, la Giurisprudenza costituzionale risulta essere basilare per lo studio delle differenti risposte alle novità dei diversi elenchi di diritti e principi a livello regionale. Mentre la Corte Costituzionale italiana ha negato la loro efficacia giuridica, anche come norme programmatiche assimilabili a quelle costituzionali, il Tribunale Costituzionale spagnolo ha qualificato un nuovo tipo di diritto, i c. d. diritti statutari, che non sono diritti pubblici soggettivi ma mandati ai poteri pubblici autonomici, specialmente al legislatore autonomico. Lo studio si completa con la problematica dell’uguaglianza e la garanzia dei diritti e i principi in questi Stati composti.

The EU and Dispute Settlement within the WTO: a strategy for the protection of the Union’s autonomy in the domestic regulation of goods?

Oggetto della ricerca è l’accertamento dell’esistenza, nonché la definizione, della strategia dall’UE in materia di controversie commerciali aventi ad oggetto l’interpretazione e l’applicazione di norme facenti capo agli Accordi OMC in materia di misure sanitarie e di barriere tecniche al commercio. Nella prima parte della tesi, si ricostruiscono gli obbiettivi perseguiti dall’UE in materia di controversie SPS e TBT. In questo contesto, un’importanza di primo piano è attribuita alla difesa dell’autonomia regolamentare dell’Unione. Ad essa si riconduce la prassi UE finalizzata a prevenire il sorgere di controversie sul piano bilaterale attraverso la conclusione di accordi di mutuo riconoscimento, la cui portata ella sottolinea essere tuttavia limitata. L’analisi di cinque controversie sorte in ambito OMC di cui l’Unione è o è stata parte convenuta e che si fondano su presunte o accertate violazioni delle norme facenti capo ai due accordi menzionati consente di classificare gli argomenti giuridici avanzati dall’Unione nel contesto di tali controversie. Nella seconda parte della ricerca, la candidata identifica i mezzi a servizio della strategia UE, in primo luogo, attraverso l’analisi del quadro giuridico relativo alla partecipazione dell’Unione e degli Stati Membri al sistema OMC di risoluzione delle controversie; in secondo luogo, attraverso lo studio, da un lato, dello status delle norme OMC nell’ordinamento UE e, dall’altro, degli effetti delle pronunce dell’Organo di Risoluzione delle Controversie e della questione della responsabilità dell’Unione per violazione del diritto OMC. Sulla base del lavoro di ricerca svolto, si conclude che una strategia dell’UE esiste nella misura in cui l’Unione persegue l’obbiettivo di preservare la propria autonomia regolamentare attraverso, anche se non esclusivamente, gli strumenti afferenti all’ordine giuridico interno analizzati nella seconda parte. La candidata conclude altresì che la riforma del diritto delle relazioni esterne operata dal Trattato di Lisbona può indurre un cambiamento di tale strategia.

Autonomia finanziaria degli enti territoriali al tempo della crisi, tra unione europea e garanzia dei diritti

La tesi si propone di ricostruire la struttura attuale dell'autonomia finanziaria degli enti locali italiani, e in particolare le regioni italiane, alla luce delle riforme legislative e costituzionali approvate dal Parlamento italiano negli ultimi anni (come ad esempio il bilancio riforma costituzionale equilibrata del 2012). Lo studio si concentra sulla situazione italiana alla luce dei vincoli europei introdotti nel corso degli anni, da quelli contenuti nel Trattato di Maastricht a quelli derivati dalla crisi economica e finanziaria. L'obiettivo è quello di verificare se le scelte del legislatore italiano possano dirsi coerenti con il processo di unione politica europea e quali conseguenze abbiano avuto sulla garanzia dei diritti. In particolare, lo studio si concentra sulla garanzia dei diritti sociali nel contesto politico ed economico attuale, a livello europeo e nazionale, con particolare attenzione al diritto alla salute.

Libertà di espressione e sorveglianza globale

La presente tesi ha come scopo quello di individuare alcune problematiche relative all’esercizio e alla limitazione del diritto alla libertà di espressione nel contesto delle attività globali di sorveglianza e controllo delle tecnologie dell’informazione e della comunicazione. Tali attività, poste in essere da parte degli Stati e da parte degli operatori privati, sono favorite dal nebuloso rapporto tra norme di fonte pubblica, privata e informatica, e sono invece osteggiate dal ricorso, collettivo e individuale, alle possibilità offerte dalle tecnologie stesse per la conduzione di attività in anonimato e segretezza. La sorveglianza globale nel contesto delle privatizzazioni si serve del codice e dell’autonomia privata, così come la resistenza digitale ricorre alle competenze informatiche e agli spazi di autonomia d’azione dell’individuo. In questo contesto, la garanzia dell’esistenza e dell’esercizio dei diritti fondamentali dell’individuo, tra tutti il diritto alla libertà di espressione e il diritto alla tutela della riservatezza, passa per l’adozione di tecniche e pratiche di autotutela attraverso l’utilizzo di sistemi di cifratura e comunicazioni anonime. L’individuo, in questo conflitto tecnico e sociale, si trova a dover difendere l’esercizio dei propri diritti e finanche l’adempimento ai propri doveri, quando attinenti a particolari figure professionali o sociali, quali avvocati, operatori di giustizia, giornalisti, o anche semplicemente genitori. In conclusione dell’elaborato si propongono alcune riflessioni sulla formazione della cittadinanza e del mondo professionale, da parte dei giuristi delle nuove tecnologie, all’uso cosciente, consapevole e responsabile delle nuove tecnologie dell’informazione, con lo stimolo ad orientare altresì le proprie attività alla tutela e alla promozione dei diritti umani fondamentali, democratici, costituzionali, civili e sociali.