996 resultados para Central-america
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"B-221422"--P. [1].
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Researches in southern Mexico and a short trip through Guatemala.
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At head of title: American Geographical Society.
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Sponsored jointly by the Institute of Nutrition of Central America & Panama, Guatemala City, and the Interdepartmental Committee on Nutrition for National Defense.
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pt. 1. The capitals of Europe -- pt. 2. The capitals of Asia -- pt. 3. The capitals of Africa -- pt. 4. The capitals of North America -- pt. 5. The capitals of Central America, South America and the West Indes.
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Bibliographical footnotes.
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With changed title-pages and binder's titles, including the same material as his Works, San Francisco, 1882-90, 39 v.; omitting v. 1-5, The native races of the Pacific states ...
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Signed: Marcial Zebadúa.
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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.
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The conflicts of the past decade in Central America have produced substantial refugee movements into neighboring nations. Costa Rica has had to cope with an influx of refugees and migrants as large as 10 percent of its population. This work presents a case study of the situation in Costa Rica, focusing on the issue of refugee integration into the host society. It draws on qualitative field research conducted in that country during 1986. The study discusses the evolution of the Costa Rican state's response to the refugee crisis and analyzes the characteristics and impact of policies undertaken by various state bureaucracies. It also describes the assistance efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and private voluntary organizations, along with their interaction with the Costa Rican state. The study concludes that the government's need to maintain firm control of refugee programs has overshadowed its commitment to refugee integration. In so doing, the humanitarian purpose of refugee assistance has been compromised.
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artículo -- Universidad de Costa Rica. Centro Investigación en Biología Molecular y Celular, 2010. Este documento es privado debido a limitaciones de derechos de autor.
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This research develops four case studies on small-scale fisheries in Central America located within indigenous territories. The ngöbe Bugle Conte Burica Territory in the south of Costa Rica, the Garífuna territory in nueva Armenia Honduras, the Rama territory in Nicaragua and the ngöbe Bugle territory in Bocas del Toro, Panamá. This is one of the first studies focusing on indigenous territories, artisanal fisheries and SSF guidelines. The cases are a first approach to discussing and analyzing relevant social and human rights issues related to conservation of marine resources and fisheries management in these territories. The cases discussed between other issues of interest, the relationships between marine protected areas under different governance models and issues related to the strengthening of the small-scale fisheries of these indigenous populations and marine fishing territories. They highlight sustainability, governance, land tenure and access to fishing resources, gender, traditional knowledge importance and new challenges as climate change.
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Central America is a region with accumulated experiences of collaborative work in developing the Central Library, among them are: The CSUCA (Council of Central American Universities) globally recognized organization founded in 1948 has strengthened the development of University Libraries, with the creation of the Central American University Libraries. Another significant contribution is made by the Public Libraries and supported by SIDA (Swedish International Development Agency) has substantially expanded the concept of National Public Library. Today is forming the Confederation of Associations and Colleges Central Library, a product of the Workshop held in El Salvador, with the support of IFLA / ALP.
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El Niño South Oscillation (ENSO) is one climatic phenomenon related to the inter-annual variability of global meteorological patterns influencing sea surface temperature and rainfall variability. It influences human health indirectly through extreme temperature and moisture conditions that may accelerate the spread of some vector-borne viral diseases, like dengue fever (DF). This work examines the spatial distribution of association between ENSO and DF in the countries of the Americas during 1995-2004, which includes the 1997-1998 El Niño, one of the most important climatic events of 20(th) century. Data regarding the South Oscillation index (SOI), indicating El Niño-La Niña activity, were obtained from Australian Bureau of Meteorology. The annual DF incidence (AIy) by country was computed using Pan-American Health Association data. SOI and AIy values were standardised as deviations from the mean and plotted in bars-line graphics. The regression coefficient values between SOI and AIy (rSOI,AI) were calculated and spatially interpolated by an inverse distance weighted algorithm. The results indicate that among the five years registering high number of cases (1998, 2002, 2001, 2003 and 1997), four had El Niño activity. In the southern hemisphere, the annual spatial weighted mean centre of epidemics moved southward, from 6° 31' S in 1995 to 21° 12' S in 1999 and the rSOI,AI values were negative in Cuba, Belize, Guyana and Costa Rica, indicating a synchrony between higher DF incidence rates and a higher El Niño activity. The rSOI,AI map allows visualisation of a graded surface with higher values of ENSO-DF associations for Mexico, Central America, northern Caribbean islands and the extreme north-northwest of South America.
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Oropouche virus (OROV) is a member of the Orthobunyavirus genus in the Bunyaviridae family and a prominent cause of insect-transmitted viral disease in Central and South America. Despite its clinical relevance, little is known about OROV pathogenesis. To define the host defense pathways that control OROV infection and disease, we evaluated OROV pathogenesis and immune responses in primary cells and mice that were deficient in the RIG-I-like receptor signaling pathway (MDA5, RIG-I, or MAVS), downstream regulatory transcription factors (IRF-3 or IRF-7), IFN-β, or the receptor for type I IFN signaling (IFNAR). OROV replicated to higher levels in primary fibroblasts and dendritic cells lacking MAVS signaling, the transcription factors IRF-3 and IRF-7, or IFNAR. In mice, deletion of IFNAR, MAVS, or IRF-3 and IRF-7 resulted in uncontrolled OROV replication, hypercytokinemia, extensive liver damage, and death whereas wild-type (WT) congenic animals failed to develop disease. Unexpectedly, mice with a selective deletion of IFNAR on myeloid cells (CD11c Cre(+) Ifnar(f/f) or LysM Cre(+) Ifnar(f/f)) did not sustain enhanced disease with OROV or La Crosse virus, a closely related encephalitic orthobunyavirus. In bone marrow chimera studies, recipient irradiated Ifnar(-/-) mice reconstituted with WT hematopoietic cells sustained high levels of OROV replication and liver damage, whereas WT mice reconstituted with Ifnar(-/-) bone marrow were resistant to disease. Collectively, these results establish a dominant protective role for MAVS, IRF-3 and IRF-7, and IFNAR in restricting OROV virus infection and tissue injury, and suggest that IFN signaling in non-myeloid cells contributes to the host defense against orthobunyaviruses. Oropouche virus (OROV) is an emerging arthropod-transmitted orthobunyavirus that causes episodic outbreaks of a debilitating febrile illness in humans in countries of South and Central America. The continued expansion of the range and number of its arthropod vectors increases the likelihood that OROV will spread into new regions. At present, the pathogenesis of OROV in humans or other vertebrate animals remains poorly understood. To define cellular mechanisms of control of OROV infection, we performed infection studies in a series of primary cells and mice that were deficient in key innate immune genes involved in pathogen recognition and control. Our results establish that a MAVS-dependent type I IFN signaling pathway has a dominant role in restricting OROV infection and pathogenesis in vivo.