932 resultados para Accession negotiations


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Kate Evans Cathcart Lindsey (1898-1975) was a Winthrop graduate (Class of 1919) and a former president of the Greenville, SC Chapter of the Winthrop Alumni Association. The Kate Evans Cathcart Lindsey Papers consist of a scrapbook and a diary relating to Mrs. Lindsey’s college days at Winthrop, as well as, correspondence and newspaper clippings pertaining to her role as the Greenville Alumni Association President. Correspondents include James P. Kinard and Shelton Phelps. The collection is a great source for information concerning student life at Winthrop (1915-1919) and of collegiate life during World War I.

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The Pilot Club International was a service oriented club for women, however men are now allowed to join. The South Carolina District was founded in the 1930s for “the promotion of social welfare through the performance of civil and beneficial service of the character generally accomplished by civic organizations, rendering aid and assistance to local Pilot Clubs and implementing at the district level the programs and policies of Pilot Club International.” The Pilot Club International South Carolina District Records consist of a certificate of incorporation, minutes, annual reports, correspondence, resolutions and lists of standing rules.

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Organized in 1904 as the Monday Afternoon Club and later the Monday Club, it became the Outlook Club in 1916. The original purpose of the book club (later the interests of the club were literary, social, and philanthropic) was to affect a better relationship between the wives of the Winthrop College faculty, and the women of Rock Hill, SC. The club was federated by the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1907 and the General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1933. Minutes, reports, correspondence, financial records, program notes, newspaper clippings, membership records, publications, constitutions and bylaws, historical data, yearbooks, bulletins, convention records, magazines, catalogs, memorabilia, and a scrapbook. The records provide information, not only on the club but also on other subjects, including the General Federation of Women’s Clubs, the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs, the role of women’s clubs during World War II, and the relationship between the wives of Winthrop College faculty and the women in the Rock Hill community.

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The Thomas Jefferson Johnston Papers consists of the Civil War diary of Thomas Jefferson Johnston (1837-1894) from 1861 to August 7, 1864. Also included is a transcription of the journal as well as contextual notes of what was occurring during the war at large by Robert James Johnston (1945-) (great grandson of Thomas Jefferson Johnston) in 1992.

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The Rock Hill Hardware Company was organized on June 4, 1893 by A.R. Smith and John Gelzer, A.A. Barron and his sons R.E. and W.L. bought Smith out in 1896 and by 1907 had acquired the whole firm. The Barron family owned and operated it until it closed in 1978. The collection consists of a 1906 ledger, financial records, a photograph, a seed license, World War II ration booklets, and newspaper clippings.

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The Rock Hill Rotary Club was chartered by the International Association of Rotary Clubs on February 1, 1919 as a service organization. The Rotary Club of Rock Hill Records consist of the club charter, correspondence, yearbooks, membership lists, minutes, financial records, program notes and other records relating to the historical development of the Club.

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The South Carolina International Women's Year Conference Records focuses on the workings of the various committees which organized the (SCIWY) Conference and provided essential information on the planning and execution of the state meeting. The collection consists of correspondence, memoranda, minutes, agenda notes, reports, speeches, financial records, newspaper clippings, press releases, election tally sheets, delegate applications, questionnaires, brochures, photographs, cassette tape recordings and publications pertaining mainly to the (SCIWY) Conference but also to the National Conference.

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The Christine South Gee Papers include family histories; biographical data; annual reports of home demonstration work in South Carolina (1920-1922) compiled by Mrs. Gee; speeches; magazine articles (1935-1963); newspaper clippings (1934-1968); photographs (1903-1954) and certificates of awards. The collection primarily pertains to Mrs. Gee’s work as South Carolina State Home Demonstration Agent (1918-1923); her role in the formation of the South Carolina Extension Homemakers’ Council (1921), formerly the South Carolina Council of Farm Women; her activities as president of the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1943-1945); her study of development in programs for adult education and rural women; and her historical interest in South Carolina statesmen and political leaders. Family histories include information on the Puckett, Smith, Martin, Hudgens, McNeese, Rodgers, and Saxon families.

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Marguerite Tolbert (1893-1982) was a Winthrop alumna (class of 1914), club woman, and administrator with the Opportunity School in Columbia, South Carolina. The Marguerite Tolbert Papers consist of correspondence, manuscripts, galley proofs, biographical sketches, newspaper clippings, and other records relating to the publication of the book, South Carolina’s Distinguished Women of Laurens County. Miss Tolbert served as coordinator for the book project. Also included is an unpublished manuscript written by Clara Yarborough concerning the terms of office of seven former South Carolina governors. Miss Yarborough served as secretary under these governors.

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The South Carolina Council on Family Relations was organized in 1956 to promote communication among representatives of participating organizations and citizens in order to further their common objective of strengthening family life in South Carolina. The South Carolina Council on Family Relations Records consist of constitutions, brochures, pamphlets, minutes, correspondence, membership lists, and annual reports, documenting the council’s growth, development, and functions.

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This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.

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In 1936, the African-American intellectual W.E.B. Du Bois visited Nazi Germany for a period of five months. Two years later, the eleven-year-long American exile of the German philosopher Theodor W. Adorno began. From the latter’s perspective, the United States was the “home” of the Culture Industry. One intuitively assumes that these sojourns abroad must have amounted to “hell on earth” for both the civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois and the subtle intellectual Adorno. But was this really the case? Or did they perhaps arrive at totally different conclusions? This thesis deals with these questions and attempts to make sense of the experiences of both men. By way of a systematic and comparative analysis of published texts, hitherto unpublished documents and secondary literature, this dissertation first contextualizes Du Bois’s and Adorno’s transatlantic negotiations and then depicts them. The panoply of topics with which both men concerned themselves was diverse. In Du Bois’s case it encompassed Europe, science and technology, Wagner operas, the Olympics, industrial education, race relations, National Socialism and the German Africanist Diedrich Westermann. The opinion pieces which Du Bois wrote for the newspaper “Pittsburgh Courier” during his stay in Germany serve as a major source for this thesis. In his writings on America, Adorno concentrated on what he regarded as the universally victorious Enlightenment and the predominance of mass culture. This investigation also sheds light on the correspondences between the philosopher and Max Horkheimer, Thomas Mann, Walter Benjamin, Siegfried Kracauer and Oskar and Maria Wiesengrund. In these autobiographical texts, Adorno’s thoughts revolve around such diverse topics as the American landscape, his fears as German, Jew and Left-Hegelian as well as the loneliness of the refugee. This dissertation has to refute the intuitive assumption that Du Bois’s and Adorno’s experiences abroad were horrible events for them. Both men judged the foreign countries in which they were staying in an extremely differentiated and subtle manner. Du Bois, for example, was not racially discriminated against in Germany. He was also delighted by the country’s rich cultural offerings. Adorno, for his part, praised the U.S.’s humanity of everyday life and democratic spirit. In short: Although both men partly did have to deal with utterly negative experiences, the metaphor of “hell on earth” is simply untenable as an overall conclusion.

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Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.