992 resultados para 1990s


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Concern about the risk of harmful human-induced climate change has resulted in international efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to the atmosphere. We review the international and national context for consideration of greenhouse abatement in native vegetation management and discuss potential options in Queensland. Queensland has large areas of productive or potentially productive land with native woody vegetation cover with approximately 76 million ha with woody cover remaining in 1991. High rates of tree clearing, predominantly to increase pasture productivity, continued throughout the 1990s with an average 345,000 ha/a estimated to have been cleared, including non-remnant (woody regrowth) as well as remnant vegetation. Estimates of greenhouse gas emissions associated with land clearing currently have a high uncertainty but clearing was reported to contribute a significant proportion of Australia's total greenhouse gas emissions from 1990 (21%) to 1999 (13%). In Queensland, greenhouse emissions from land clearing were estimated to have been 54.5 Mt CO(2)-e in 1999. Management of native vegetation for timber harvesting and the proliferation of woody vegetation (vegetation thickening) in the grazed woodlands also represent large carbon fluxes. Forestry (plantations and native forests) in Queensland was reported to be a 4.4 Mt CO(2)-e sink in 1999 but there are a lack of comprehensive data on timber harvesting in private hardwood forests. Vegetation thickening is reported for large areas of the c. 60 million ha grazed woodlands in Queensland. The magnitude of the carbon sink in 27 million ha grazed eucalypt woodlands has been estimated to be 66 Mt CO(2)-e/a but this sink is not currently included in Australia's inventory of anthropogenic greenhouse emissions. Improved understanding of the function and dynamics of natural and managed ecosystems is required to support management of native vegetation to preserve and enhance carbon stocks for greenhouse benefits while meeting objectives of sustainable and productive management and biodiversity protection.

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The Japanese government initiated a series of regulatory reforms in the mid-1990s. The Japanese urban gas industry consists of various sized private and non-private firms. Numerous previous studies find that deregulation leads to productivity improvements. We extend the literature by analyzing deregulation, privatization, and other aspects of a regulated industry using unique firm level data. This study measures productivity to evaluate the effect of the deregulation reform. Using data from 205 firms from 1993 to 2004, we find that the deregulation effect differs depending on firm size. Competitive pressure contributes to advanced productivity. The deregulation of gas sales to commercial customers is the most important factor for advancing productivity. Copyright © 2013 by the IAEE. All rights reserved.

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This study analyzes toxic chemical substance management in three U.S. manufacturing sectors from 1991 to 2008. Decomposition analysis applying the logarithmic mean Divisia index is used to analyze changes in toxic chemical substance emissions by the following five factors: cleaner production, end-of-pipe treatment, transfer for further management, mixing of intermediate materials, and production scale. Based on our results, the chemical manufacturing sector reduced toxic chemical substance emissions mainly via end-of-pipe treatment. In the meantime, transfer for further management contributed to the reduction of toxic chemical substance emissions in the metal fabrication industry. This occurred because the environmental business market expanded in the 1990s, and the infrastructure for the recycling of metal and other wastes became more efficient. Cleaner production is the main contributor to toxic chemical reduction in the electrical product industry. This implies that the electrical product industry is successful in developing a more environmentally friendly product design and production process.

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One of the first architects to write a book was Vitruvius, the Roman architect who published De Architectura in the 1st century BC, a book that would become the foundation for Western Architectural Thought. When I was an undergraduate, the history of architecture was taught via a series of books by architects that were at least, if not more significant than the buildings. From De Architectura to Alberti’s rejoinder De re aedificatoria (On the Art of Building) in the fifteenth century, Palladio’s Quattro Libri (The Four Books of Architecture) 1570, and Laugier’s Essai sur l'Architecture 1753. In the 1990s, we treasured the heroic architecture books of the 20th century from Le Corbusier, Vers une Architecture, to Aldo Rossi’s the Architecture of the City, Rem Koolhaas’s Delirious New York, and of course Robert Venturi’s Learning from Las Vegas which for me was the very starting point for the postmodern movement.

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The Japanese electricity industry has experienced regulatory reforms since the mid-1990s. This article measures productivity in Japan's steam power-generation sector and examines the effect of reforms on the productivity of this industry over the period 1978-2003. We estimate the Luenberger productivity indicator, which is a generalization of the commonly used Malmquist productivity index, using a data envelopment analysis approach. Factors associated with productivity change are investigated through dynamic generalized method of moments (GMM) estimation of panel data. Our empirical analysis shows that the regulatory reforms have contributed to productivity growth in the steam power-generation sector in Japan.

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Customer Relationship Management (CRM) packaged software has become a key contributor to attempts at aligning business and IT strategies in recent years. Throughout the 1990s there was, in many organisations strategies, a shift from the need to manage transactions and toward relationship management. Where Enterprise Resource Planning packages dominated the management of transactions era, CRM packages lead in regard to relationships. At present, balanced views of CRM packages are scantly presented instead relying on vendor rhetoric. This paper uses case study research to analyse some of the issues associated with CRM packages. These issues include the limitations of CRM packages, the need for a relationship orientation and the problems of a dominant management perspective of CRM. It is suggested that these issues could be more readily accommodated by organisational detachment from beliefs in IT as utopia, consideration of prior IS theory and practice and a more informed approach to CRM package selection.

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Female genital cutting (also often called female genital mutilation, or female circumcision) is a cultural practice that originated thousands of years ago. Female genital cutting has various forms, some of which are more invasive than others, but all of which produce health, legal and social consequences for those involved. Due to patterns of immigration in Australia, especially since the 1990s, there are women in Australia who have experienced female genital cutting. There may be some families, or some parents, who still hold a cultural commitment to female genital cutting. As a result, female genital cutting presents complex legal, ethical, medical and social challenges in contemporary Australian society. Medical practitioners and other health and welfare workers may encounter women who have experienced genital cutting and who require treatment for its sequelae. Currently, legislative frameworks for female genital cutting vary across states and territories, including the penalties for conducting it, and for removing a child for the purpose of conducting it outside Australia. This presentation provides an overview of the history, nature and consequences of the various forms of female genital cutting, and of the major Australian legal principles, ethical controversies, and medical, legal and social challenges in this field.

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Nucleopolyhedrovirus (NPV) has become an integral part of integrated pest management (IPM) in many Australian agricultural and horticultural crops. This is the culmination of years of work conducted by researchers at the Queensland Department of Primary Industries and Fisheries (QDPI&F) and Ag Biotech Australia Pty Ltd. In the early 1970’s researchers at QDPI&F identified and isolated a virus in Helicoverpa armigera populations in the field. This NPV was extensively studied and shown to be highly specific to Helicoverpa and Heliothis species. Further work showed that when used appropriately the virus could be used effectively to manage these insects in crops such as sorghum, cotton, chickpea and sweet corn. A similar virus was first commercially produced in the USA in the 1970’s. This product, Elcar®, was introduced into Australia in the late 1970’s by Shell Chemicals with limited success. A major factor contributing to the poor adoption of Elcar was the concurrent enormous success of the synthetic pyrethroids. The importance of integrated pest management was probably also not widely accepted at that time. Gradual development of insect resistance to synthetic pyrethroids and other synthetic insecticides in Australia and the increased awareness of the importance of IPM meant that researchers once again turned their attentions to environmentally friendly pest management tools such NPV and beneficial insects. In the 1990’s a company called Rhone-Poulenc registered an NPV for use in Australian sorghum, chickpea and cotton. This product, Gemstar®, was imported from the USA. In 2000 Ag Biotech Australia established an in-vivo production facility in Australia to produce commercial volumes of a product similar to the imported product. This product was branded, ViVUS®, and was first registered and sold commercially in Australia in 2003. The initial production of ViVUS used a virus identical to the American product but replicating it in an Australian Helicoverpa species, H. armigera. Subsequent research collaboration between QDPI&F and Ag Biotech reinvigorated interest in the local virus strain. This was purified and the production system adapted to produce it on a commercial scale. This new version of ViVUS, which was branded ViVUS Gold®, was first registered and sold commercially in 2004. Widespread insect resistance to insecticides and a greater understanding of integrated pest management is leading to increased adoption of technologies such NPV in Australian agriculture.

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The noble idea of studying seminal works to ‘see what we can learn’ has turned in the 1990s into ‘let’s see what we can take’ and in the last decade a more toxic derivative ‘what else can’t we take’. That is my observation as a student of architecture in the 1990s, and as a practitioner in the 2000s. In 2010, the sense that something is ending is clear. The next generation is rising and their gaze has shifted. The idea of classification (as a means of separation) was previously rejected by a generation of Postmodernists; the usefulness of difference declined. It’s there in the presence of plurality in the resulting architecture, a decision to mine history and seize in a willful manner. This is a process of looking back but never forward. It has been a mono-culture of absorption. The mono-culture rejected the pursuit of the realistic. It is a blanket suffocating all practice of architecture in this country from the mercantile to the intellectual. Independent reviews of Australia’s recent contributions to the Venice Architecture Biennales confirm the malaise. The next generation is beginning to reconsider classification as a means of unification. By acknowledging the characteristics of competing forces it is possible to bring them into a state of tension. Seeking a beautiful contrast is a means to a new end. In the political setting, this is described by Noel Pearson as the radical centre[1]. The concept transcends the political and in its most essential form is a cultural phenomenon. It resists the compromised position and suggests that we can look back while looking forward. The radical centre is the only demonstrated opportunity where it is possible to pursue a realistic architecture. A realistic architecture in Australia may be partially resolved by addressing our anxiety of permanence. Farrelly’s built desires[2] and Markham’s ritual demonstrations[3] are two ways into understanding the broader spectrum of permanence. But I think they are downstream of our core problem. Our problem, as architects, is that we are yet to come to terms with this place. Some call it landscape others call it country. Australian cities were laid out on what was mistaken for a blank canvas. On some occasions there was the consideration of the landscape when it presented insurmountable physical obstacles. The architecture since has continued to work on its piece of a constantly blank canvas. Even more ironic is the commercial awards programs that represent a claim within this framework but at best can only establish a dialogue within itself. This is a closed system unable to look forward. It is said that Melbourne is the most European city in the southern hemisphere but what is really being described there is the limitation of a senseless grid. After all, if Dutch landscape informs Dutch architecture why can’t the Australian landscape inform Australian architecture? To do that, we would have to acknowledge our moribund grasp of the meaning of the Australian landscape. Or more precisely what Indigenes call Country[4]. This is a complex notion and there are different ways into it. Country is experienced and understood through the senses and seared into memory. If one begins design at that starting point it is not unreasonable to think we can arrive at an end point that is a counter trajectory to where we have taken ourselves. A recent studio with Masters students confirmed this. Start by finding Country and it would be impossible to end up with a building looking like an Aboriginal man’s face. To date architecture in Australia has overwhelmingly ignored Country on the back of terra nullius. It can’t seem to get past the picturesque. Why is it so hard? The art world came to terms with this challenge, so too did the legal establishment, even the political scene headed into new waters. It would be easy to blame the budgets of commerce or the constraints of program or even the pressure of success. But that is too easy. Those factors are in fact the kind of limitations that opportunities grow out of. The past decade of economic plenty has, for the most part, smothered the idea that our capitals might enable civic settings or an architecture that is able to looks past lot line boundaries in a dignified manner. The denied opportunities of these settings to be prompted by the Country they occupy is criminal. The public realm is arrested in its development because we refuse to accept Country as a spatial condition. What we seem to be able to embrace is literal and symbolic gestures usually taking the form of a trumped up art installations. All talk – no action. To continue to leave the public realm to the stewardship of mercantile interests is like embracing derivative lending after the global financial crisis.Herein rests an argument for why we need a resourced Government Architect’s office operating not as an isolated lobbyist for business but as a steward of the public realm for both the past and the future. New South Wales is the leading model with Queensland close behind. That is not to say both do not have flaws but current calls for their cessation on the grounds of design parity poorly mask commercial self interest. In Queensland, lobbyists are heavily regulated now with an aim to ensure integrity and accountability. In essence, what I am speaking of will not be found in Reconciliation Action Plans that double as business plans, or the mining of Aboriginal culture for the next marketing gimmick, or even discussions around how to make buildings more ‘Aboriginal’. It will come from the next generation who reject the noxious mono-culture of absorption and embrace a counter trajectory to pursue an architecture of realism.

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What is ‘best practice’ when it comes to managing intellectual property rights in participatory media content? As commercial media and entertainment business models have increasingly come to rely upon the networked productivity of end-users (Banks and Humphreys 2008) this question has been framed as a problem of creative labour made all the more precarious by changing employment patterns and work cultures of knowledge-intensive societies and globalising economies (Banks, Gill and Taylor 2014). This paper considers how the problems of ownership are addressed in non-commercial, community-based arts and media contexts. Problems of labour are also manifest in these contexts (for example, reliance on volunteer labour and uncertain economic reward for creative excellence). Nonetheless, managing intellectual property rights in collaborative creative works that are created in community media and arts contexts is no less challenging or complex than in commercial contexts. This paper takes as its focus a particular participatory media practice known as ‘digital storytelling’. The digital storytelling method, formalised by the Centre for Digital Storytelling (CDS) from the mid-1990s, has been internationally adopted and adapted for use in an open-ended variety of community arts, education, health and allied services settings (Hartley and McWilliam 2009; Lambert 2013; Lundby 2008; Thumin 2012). It provides a useful point of departure for thinking about a range of collaborative media production practices that seek to address participation ‘gaps’ (Jenkins 2006). However the outputs of these activities, including digital stories, cannot be fully understood or accurately described as user-generated content. For this reason, digital storytelling is taken here to belong to a category of participatory media activity that has been described as ‘co-creative’ media (Spurgeon 2013) in order to improve understanding of the conditions of mediated and mediatized participation (Couldry 2008). This paper reports on a survey of the actual copyrighting practices of cultural institutions and community-based media arts practitioners that work with digital storytelling and similar participatory content creation methods. This survey finds that although there is a preference for Creative Commons licensing a great variety of approaches are taken to managing intellectual property rights in co-creative media. These range from the use of Creative Commons licences (for example, Lambert 2013, p.193) to retention of full copyrights by storytellers, to retention of certain rights by facilitating organisations (for example, broadcast rights by community radio stations and public service broadcasters), and a range of other shared rights arrangements between professional creative practitioners, the individual storytellers and communities with which they collaborate, media outlets, exhibitors and funders. This paper also considers how aesthetic and ethical considerations shape responses to questions of intellectual property rights in community media arts contexts. For example, embedded in the CDS digital storytelling method is ‘a critique of power and the numerous ways that rank is unconsciously expressed in engagements between classes, races and gender’ (Lambert 117). The CDS method privileges the interests of the storyteller and, through a transformative workshop process, aims to generate original individual stories that, in turn, reflect self-awareness of ‘how much the way we live is scripted by history, by social and cultural norms, by our own unique journey through a contradictory, and at times hostile, world’ (Lambert 118). Such a critical approach is characteristic of co-creative media practices. It extends to a heightened awareness of the risks of ‘story theft’ and the challenges of ownership and informs ideas of ‘best practice’ amongst creative practitioners, teaching artists and community media producers, along with commitments to achieving equitable solutions for all participants in co-creative media practice (for example, Lyons-Reid and Kuddell nd.). Yet, there is surprisingly little written about the challenges of managing intellectual property produced in co-creative media activities. A dialogic sense of ownership in stories has been identified as an indicator of successful digital storytelling practice (Hayes and Matusov 2005) and is helpful to grounding the more abstract claims of empowerment for social participation that are associated with co-creative methods. Contrary to the ‘change from below’ philosophy that underpins much thinking about co-creative media, however, discussions of intellectual property usually focus on how methods such as digital storytelling contribute to the formation of copyright law-compliant subjects, particularly when used in educational settings (for example, Ohler nd.). This also exposes the reliance of co-creative methods on the creative assets storytellers (rather than on the copyrighted materials of the media cultures of storytellers) as a pragmatic response to the constraints that intellectual property right laws impose on the entire category of participatory media. At the level of practical politics, it also becomes apparent that co-creative media practitioners and storytellers located in copyright jurisdictions governed by ‘fair use’ principles have much greater creative flexibility than those located in jurisdictions governed by ‘fair dealing’ principles.

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Legacies of the Global Financial Crisis and major domestic corporate collapses – such as HIH Insurance Pty Ltd and One.Tel Ltd (telecommunications) – have significantly changed Australia‟s financial regulatory landscape. Legal requirements for auditors have attracted particular attention as have practice standards more broadly around disclosure and conflict of interest. Conversely, although successful detection and prosecution of breaches may rest in significant part on forensic accounting activities, Australia‟s practitioners in this field have no minimum training or qualifications standards other than the baseline requirements mandated by the country‟s three professional accounting bodies. For those unaffiliated with these organizations, no professional oversight exists. In Australia, growth in the forensic accounting industry has been in direct response to public demand for expertise in a broad range of fraud, forensic and business analytics areas in order to improve the corporate governance practices of Australian organizations. During the 1990s, Australian forensic accounting firms expanded and diversified into a number of different areas going well beyond just the examination of financial documents and involvement in financial litigation disputes. “Big 4” accounting firms such as PriceWaterhouseCoopers, KPMG, Deloitte and Ernst and Young formed independent forensic accounting or forensic services units; a number of mid-tier and „boutique‟ forensic accounting firms similarly expanded into forensic investigative, analytical and advisory services. By 2008, 800 forensic accountants were registered with the country‟s largest specialist forensic accounting group, the Forensic Accounting Special Interest Group (FASIG) of the ICAA1. Currently, obtaining more precise figures on numbers of forensic accounting practitioners is problematic: professional accounting bodies either do not keep a register or have ceased registering their forensic accounting members; lack of formal recognition, admission or certification processes complicate identification of candidates; and diversity of the skills sets the industry requires has meant the influx of non-accounting based specialists.

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The majority of tertiary practice-led creative arts disciplines became part of the Australian university system as a result of the creation of the Unified National System of tertiary education in 1988. Over the past two decades, research has grown as the yardstick by which academic performance in the Australian university sector is recognised and rewarded. Academics in artistic disciplines, who struggled to adapt to a culture and workload expectations different from their previous, predominantly teaching based, employment, continue to see their research under-valued within the established evaluation framework. Despite a late 1990s Australian government funded inquiry, many of the inequities remain. While the Excellence in Research in Australia (ERA) exercise has acknowledged the non-text outputs of artist-academics in its evaluation of 'research outcomes', much of the process remains resolutely framed by measures that work against creative arts researchers.

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The wave of democratisation across Europe, Africa, Asia and Latin America in the early 1990s triggered an increase in donor funding to media assistance initiatives, primarily within good governance policy frameworks. However, few media assistance projects have managed to effectively evaluate the impacts of their work. This thesis explores how the impacts of Australian media assistance on social change and governance can be most effectively evaluated and understood. The findings of this research suggest the importance of early investment in participatory planning of evaluation designs, which are then periodically revisited. These evaluation designs should be based on a theoretically sound link between models of change, evaluative questions and methods.

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With increasing investments being made in brand development by destination marketing organisations (DMO) since the 1990s, including rebranding and repositioning, more research is necessary to enhance understanding of how to effectively monitor destination brand performance over time. This chapter summarises key findings from a study of brand performance of a competitive set of destinations, in their most important market, between 2003 and 2012. Brand performance was measured from the perspective of consumer perceptions, based on the concept of consumer-based brand equity (CBBE). The results indicated almost no change in perceptions of the five destinations over the 10-year period. Due to the commonality of challenges faced by DMOs worldwide, it is suggested the CBBE hierarchy provides destination marketers with a practical tool for evaluating brand performance over time; in terms of measures of effectiveness of past marketing communications, as well as indicators of future performance.

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Based on 15 years of arts and innovation literature, this paper explores the central proposition that the arts sector - particularly the performing arts, visual arts and crafts, new media arts and creative writing - should be included in Australian Government innovation policy development and play a significant role in national innovation. After a brief overview of innovation policy and the national innovation systems approach in Australia, we examine the marginal place of the arts in Australia's innovation agenda and various attempts to include them. We identify the principal voices that have argued for arts and innovation development: the humanities, arts and social sciences (HASS) sector, digital content industries, arts education and university research, and new media arts. After three main periods of arts and innovation policy activity from the mid.1990s (when the importance of innovation as a key driver of Australia's prosperity was recognised) to early 2008, a fourth period has opened up as part of the Australian Government's Review of the National Innovation System in 2008.