La integració de persones amb discapacitats en el lleure. Una resposta educativa i social : les colònies integradores

Aquest vol ser un treball que, emmarcat dins l'esfera del lleure, centri la seva atenció en la interrelació dels vèrtexs d'un triangle que formen els següents components: un grup d'infants i d'adolescents, un grup de monitors i unes activitats de lleure. Els objectius van dirigits als nens i als monitors, perquè aquesta empresa la construeixen entre tots els que hi prenen part. La intervenció psicopedagògica vol aconseguir que la interacció d'aquests elements, en aquest context, possibiliti que tots els nens assoleixin uns objectius educatius i socials determinats. No es tracta d'un plantejament descriptiu dels tipus d'aprenentatge que tenen lloc a la colònia, alguns tan evidents com l'aprenentatge per imitació de models o l'aprenentatge vicari per a l'aprenentatge social d'actituds i de comportaments, sinó d'assessorar els monitors sobre com han d'intervenir en les relacions que s'estableixen en el si de la colònia per tal d'arribar a aconseguir els canvis en els comportaments i en les actituds.

Sistema d'avaluació de l'impacte organitzatiu i sobre les condicions de seguretat i salut en el treball per l'aplicació de la normativa REACH

L’aparició de la nova normativa sobre productes químics de l’Unió Europea,anomenada REACH ( Registration, Evaluation, Authorization and restriction ofChemicals) i recollida en el reglament (CE) nº1907/2006 del Parlament Europeu i delConsell de 18 de desembre de 2006, suposa un canvi en la forma d’actuació respectea la manipulació de productes químics per part de fabricants, d’importadors, dedistribuïdors i de consumidors finals.Aquesta nova normativa de caràcter europeu es caracteritza per la seva complexitat iper la seva incidència sobre diferents sectors socials, per això dintre de l’estudi s’handefinit els següents objectius:Un primer objectiu d’aquest estudi serà exposar la nova normativa d’abast europeusobre productes químics REACH (Registration, Evaluation, Authorization andrestriction of Chemicals), que ha entrat en vigor el juliol de 2007._ _Un segon objectiu consistirà en avaluar l’acció o impacte que podria causar laimplantació de la normativa sobre les indústries químiques i el seu entorn, tant a nivellde negoci, com a nivell personal.Finalment es definirà una petita empresa fabricant de productes químics a partir de laqual es veuran els impactes que causarà l’aplicació de la nova normativa REACH.Aquest estudi pretén ajudar a quantificar els possibles impactes que puguin sorgir apartir de l’entrada en vigor de la nova normativa sobre productes químics. Aquestsimpactes poden influir sobre la salut dels treballadors, sobre el medi ambient i tambésobre l’economia, tant a nivell local com a nivell internacional.Per poder aconseguir establir els impactes, serà necessari en primer lloc tenir un bonconeixement tant de les lleis químiques actuals, com de les que aniran sorgintsuccessivament, com la nova normativa REACH.D’altra banda, també serà necessari veure els possibles impactes que podrien afectara una petita empresa química, per poder, si és necessari, extrapolar els resultats per aempreses del mateix tipus influenciades també per la normativa REACH.Així doncs, aquest estudi servirà de guia d’iniciació per aquells empresaris i/opersones relacionades amb el món de la química a nivell industrial, que vulguincomençar a determinar el grau en que es veuran afectats per la nova normativa.L’impacte que causarà la nova normativa s’analitzarà a partir d’una empresa virtualdedicada a la fabricació d’adhesius situada a la provincia de Girona.Els impactes es centraran en dos productes, una cola produïda en grans quantitats,però sense gaires implicacions pel medi ambient ni per la seguretat de les persones, iuna altra que es produeix en quantitats més reduïdes però que inclou substànciesperilloses pel medi ambient i per les personesA partir de l’anàlisi dels diferents impactes (pel medi aquàtic, pel sòl, per l’atmosfera, iper la seguretat de les persones al lloc de treball), s’han realitzat unes matriusd’impacte que ajudaran a determinar l’impacte econòmic que causarà la normativasobre l’empresa en qüestió

Prevalença i valoració de l’assessorament fet sobre l’ús de les contencions mecàniques en els serveis socials residencials de gent gran

Aquest treball tracta de fer un recull de dades per conèixer la prevalença de les contencions físiques en els establiments residencials de gent gran de Catalunya, valorar quina incidència té l’assessorament que s’ha fet en la disminució de les contencions en un primer moment i obtenir la valoració que els centres n’han fet unany més tard

Maleït platonisme! Pell, carn i cos de persones concretes: etapes d'un combat lliurat -i guanyat- en la poesia de Miquel Àngel Riera

L'objectiu d'aquest article és mostrar com, tot al llarg de la poesia de Miquel Àngel Riera, s'hi detecta una evident sensibilitat antimetafísica que el dur a lloar la pell, la carn i el cos de les persones concretes, tot defugint qualsevulla vivència platònica o idealista de l'amor. La lectura acurada dels seus poemes permet descobrir, en opinió de l¿autor, Plató i el platonisme occidental com un dels grans responsables del menyspreu de l¿amor carnal, causa indubtable de patiment humà pel fet de no voler reconèixer la dimensió somàtica d¿eros.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'Envelliment en persones amb trastorn mental sever

Són moltes les investigacions que han aprofundit en l’estudi de l’esquizofrènia i algunes aporten resultats de persones que estan a la tercera edat. L’objectiu principal d’aquest estudi és descriure alguns aspectes mèdics i de gestió de casos en població gran afectada de trastorn mental. Un segon objectiu és observar si hi ha un major risc cardiovascular en edat avançada en comparació amb persones de menor edat. Es tracta d’un estudi descriptiu i transversal amb una mostra de 220 subjectes afectats de trastorn mental sever, 33 dels quals sobrepassen els 60 anys. Es van utilitzar els registres sobre les dades mèdiques, clíniques i de funcionament social durant l’any 2011. Entre els resultats principals s’ha trobat una bona adherència al tractament i al seguiment(95,3%-90% respectivament) una bona participació familiar en el tractament(90%), nivells més elevats de dislipèmies(colesterol 70,6%; triglicèrids 64,3%), menor nombre de fumadors(28%). Les valoracions psicopatològiques no mostren significació estadística respecte al grup més jove (p=.468) ni en reingressos ni urgències(p=.181;.420 respectivament). Les dades que es presenten en aquest estudi fan èmfasi en la necessitat de tenir cura dels malalts mentals també a la tercera edat, on la fragilitat física i psicosocial s’accentua a nivell de comorbilitat amb altres malalties mèdiques.

El Rol del cuidador en l'atenció a persones amb demència

El present article té com a objectiu analitzar el rol del cuidador no professional, sigui familiar o no, en l’atenció a persones amb demència, tant les seves característiques com els trets principals. Els estudis realitzats sobre el cuidador familiar són els més nombrosos i refereixen canvis tant a nivell psicològic, físic, social, familiar com econòmic, per tot el que comporta atendre una persona amb algun tipus de demència durant un llarg període de temps. Aquests canvis, conseqüència de l’atenció a una persona que pateix demència, porten habitualment al cuidador a patir sobrecàrrega, estrés i burnout, les quals tenen clares conseqüències en la seva pròpia salut i benestar. En els darrers anys han sorgit noves línies d’investigació que posen la mirada en els aspectes més positius del cuidar en el marc del desenvolupament de la Psicologia positiva. Els pocs estudis realitzats fins l’actualitat en contextos formals (residències, hospitals, entre d’altres) ens avancen que els cuidadors amb vinculació a la tasca o engagement pateixen menys estrés i burnout, donat que actua com amortidor d’aquests factors. Considerem que cal continuar investigant a partir d’aquests nous enfocaments, donat que probablement aportaran nous elements en la intervenció amb cuidadors, per tal de millorar el seu benestar i qualitat de vida.

L'atenció sociosanitària a Mallorca. 'La atención sociosanitaria en Mallorca'.

Resumen tomado del autor

La formació en dependència : radiografia d'una realitat. 'La formación en dependencia : radiografía de una realidad'.

Resumen tomado de la publicación

Les Polítiques de gènere als ajuntaments catalans: un procés en construcció

El paper tracta de l’evolució de les polítiques de gènere i la seva implementació en les ciutats catalanes més grans de 20.000 habitants. L’article mostra l’interès en tractar la qüestió com a política pública i la importància que totes les localitats catalanes majors de 20.000 habitants li han atorgat. A través d’un ampli seguit d’entrevistes l’autora mostra que no totes les polítiques poden ser qualificades de polítiques de gènere, i tot i que les ajuntaments estan interessats en aplicar polítiques de gender mainstreaming, no totes les actuacions públiques poden ser-ne considerades com a tals. Hi ha encara molt per a prendre i, tot i que els govern locals hi estan interessats, el camí encara pot ser llarg.

La inserción sociolaboral de las personas inmigrantes en la Cataluña rural

En els últims anys, s’ha produït l’arribada massiva de població immigrant, que principalment, s’instal•la a las grans ciutats o barris específics. Normalment, son zones amb alts nivells de desocupació. Amb aquest treball acadèmic es vol contribuir a augmentar el coneixement relatiu a la inserció sociolaboral de les persones immigrants en tot el territori, incloent el rural; amb tot allò, es vol afavorir a la no massificació d’immigrants en les grans ciutats. Es pretén estimular la mobilitat geogràfica a les àrees rurals de Catalunya, especialment, a aquelles que tenen problemes de despoblació o supervivència, degut a diferents factors. Per aconseguir-ho, es té que analitzar les diferents ajudes i subvencions, els plans o programes de repoblació estatals, autonòmics y locals existents; es a dir, els mecanismes que existeixen per aconseguir la no massificació d’immigració a una zona determinada i millorar la integració i inserció d’aquests immigrants.

Les mesures de seguretat privatives de llibertat en centres psiquiàtrics de Catalunya

Aquesta recerca dóna a conèixer la situació de les persones que tenen atribuïda una mesura de seguretat d’internament en un centre psiquiàtric civil de Catalunya. L’estudi treballa amb una mostra d’estudi de 101 mesures de seguretat atorgades des de l’1 de gener de 2004 i finalitzades abans del 31 de desembre de 2007 a Catalunya, que s’han complert en els centres psiquiàtrics, les comunitats terapèutiques de salut mental, les unitats d’hospitalització psiquiàtrica, les unitats psiquiàtriques de centres penitenciaris, les comunitats terapèutiques de drogodependències i les residències sociosanitàries. El grup de població susceptible de rebre aquest tipus de mesures presenta la característica comuna de persones que han comès un delicte i que a causa de la seva condició de malalts mentals se’ls ha considerat parcialment o totalment imputables de la seva responsabilitat penal. A aquestes persones se’ls ha aplicat una resposta penal sancionadora atenent a aquest grau de responsabilitat penal. L’estudi analitza el paper de l’àmbit sanitari com a resposta adequada per al compliment de la mesura de seguretat, i si aquesta afavoreix el contacte amb l’entorn i els recursos comunitaris tant durant el compliment com posteriorment a la finalització del temps imposat pel jutge, malgrat que l’origen de la intervenció sigui una conducta delictiva. Els resultats indiquen que un 80,3% han complert la totalitat de la mesura en centres sociosanitaris, enfront del 19,8% que l’han complerta íntegrament a la presó. Els autors creuen que aquesta adhesió amb el recurs sanitari fomenta l’estabilitat psiquiàtrica i en conseqüència una disminució de la perillositat vinculada amb el risc de reincidència.