Synergistic action of image-guided radiotherapy and androgen deprivation therapy.

The combined use of androgen deprivation therapy (ADT) and image-guided radiotherapy (IGRT) can improve overall survival in aggressive, localized prostate cancer. However, owing to the adverse effects of prolonged ADT, it is imperative to identify the patients who would benefit from this combined-modality therapy relative to the use of IGRT alone. Opportunities exist for more personalized approaches in treating aggressive, locally advanced prostate cancer. Biomarkers--such as disseminated tumour cells, circulating tumour cells, genomic signatures and molecular imaging techniques--could identify the patients who are at greatest risk for systemic metastases and who would benefit from the addition of systemic ADT. By contrast, when biomarkers of systemic disease are not present, treatment could proceed using local IGRT alone. The choice of drug, treatment duration and timing of ADT relative to IGRT could be predicated on these personalized approaches to prostate cancer medicine. These novel treatment intensification and reduction strategies could result in improved prostate-cancer-specific survival and overall survival, without incurring the added expense of metabolic syndrome and other adverse effects of ADT in all patients.

Characterization of recombinant class I MHC alloantigen action upon the survival of disparate heart allografts

Previous studies have led to the development of allochimeric class I MHC proteins as agents that effectively induce donor-specific transplantation tolerance in a rat system with or without additional immunosuppression. Within the α1-helical region of RT1.Au, an epitope that conferred immunologic tolerance was discovered. Studies presented herein were designed to test our central hypothesis that allochimeric proteins onfer tolerance in a mouse model. To test this hypothesis, portal vein (PV) injection of wild-type H2Kd and H2Dd proteins were produced in a bacterial expression system and found to specifically prolong the survival of BALB/c (H2d) heart allografts in C57BL/10 (H2b) recipients. Although a single PV injection of 50 μg α1–α 3 H2Kd alone was ineffective, 50 μg α1 –α3 alone slightly prolonged BALB/c heart allograft survivals. In contrast, the combination of 25 μg α1–α 3 H2Kd and 25 μg α1–α 3 H2Dd proteins prolonged BALB/c graft survivals to 20.2 ± 6.4 days (p < 0.004). The effect was donor-specific, since a combination of 25 μg α1–α3 H2Kd and 25 μg α1–α3 H2Dd proteins failed to affect survivals of third-party C3H (H2k k) heart allografts, namely 9.0 ± 0.0 days in treated versus 7.8 ± 0.5 days in untreated hosts. Thus, the combination of two H2K d and H2Dd proteins is more effective in prolonging allograft survival than a single protein produced in a bacterial expression system. A single PV injection (day 0) of 25 μg α1–α 2 H2Kd and 25 μg α1–α 2 H2Dd proteins to C57BL/10 mice prolonged the survival of BALB/c heart allografts to 22.4 ± 4.5 days. Within a WF to ACI rat heart allograft system, a single PV injection of 20 μg 70–77 u-RT1.Aa induced specific tolerance of allografts. This therapy could be combined with CsA to induce transplantation tolerance. However, combination of 70–77u-RT1.Aa with CTLA4Ig, rapamycin, or AG-490 effectively blocked the induction of transplantation tolerance. Tolerance generated by allochimeric protein could be adoptively transferred to naive recipients. Intragraft cytokine mRNA levels showed a bias towards a Th2-type phenotype. Additionally, studies of cytokine signaling and activation of transcription factors revealed a requirement that these pathways remain available for signaling in order for transplantation tolerance to occur. These studies suggest that the generation of regulatory cells are required for the induction of transplantation tolerance through the use of allochimeric proteins. ^

The mechanism of action of a novel benzo[c]phenanthridine alkaloid, NK314 and the cellular responses

NK314 is a novel synthetic benzo[c]phenanthridine alkaloid that is currently in clinical trials as an antitumor compound, based on impressive activities in preclinical models. However, its mechanism of action is unknown. The present investigations were directed at determining the mechanism of action of this agent and cellular responses to NK314. My studies demonstrated that NK314 intercalated into DNA, trapped topoisomerase IIα in its cleavage complex intermediate, and inhibited the ability of topoisomerase IIα to relax super-coiled DNA. CEM/VM1 cells, which are resistant to etoposide due to mutations in topoisomerase IIα, were cross-resistant to NK314. However, CEM/C2 cells, which are resistant to camptothecin due to mutations in topoisomerase I, retained sensitivity. This indicates topoisomerase IIα is the target of NK314 in the cells. NK314 caused phosphorylation of the histone variant, H2AX, which is considered a marker of DNA double-strand breaks. DNA double-strand breaks were also evidenced by pulsed-field gel electrophoresis and visualized as chromosomal aberrations after cells were treated with NK314 and arrested in mitosis. Cell cycle checkpoints are activated following DNA damage. NK314 induced significant G2 cell cycle arrest in several cell lines, independent of p53 status, suggesting the existence of a common mechanism of checkpoint activation. The Chk1-Cdc25C-Cdk1 G2 checkpoint pathway was activated in response to NK314, which can be abrogated by the Chk1 inhibitor UCN-01. Cell cycle checkpoint activation may be a defensive mechanism that provides time for DNA repair. DNA double-strand breaks are repaired either through ATM-mediated homologous recombination or DNA-PK-mediated non-homologous end-joining repair pathways. Clonogenic assays demonstrated a significant decrease of colony formation in both ATM deficient and DNA-PK deficient cells compared to ATM repleted and DNA-PK wild type cells respectively, indicating that both ATM and DNA-PK play important roles in the survival of the cells in response to NK314. The DNA-PK specific inhibitor NU7441 also significantly sensitized cells to NK314. In conclusion, the major mechanism of NK314 is to intercalate into DNA, trap and inhibit topoisomerase IIα, an action that leads to the generation of double-strand DNA breaks, which activate ATM and DNA-PK mediated DNA repair pathways and Chk1 mediated G2 checkpoint pathway. ^

AN EVALUATION OF THE CONSISTENCY OF IMRT PATIENT-SPECIFIC QA TECHNIQUES

To ensure the integrity of an intensity modulated radiation therapy (IMRT) treatment, each plan must be validated through a measurement-based quality assurance (QA) procedure, known as patient specific IMRT QA. Many methods of measurement and analysis have evolved for this QA. There is not a standard among clinical institutions, and many devices and action levels are used. Since the acceptance criteria determines if the dosimetric tools’ output passes the patient plan, it is important to see how these parameters influence the performance of the QA device. While analyzing the results of IMRT QA, it is important to understand the variability in the measurements. Due to the different form factors of the many QA methods, this reproducibility can be device dependent. These questions of patient-specific IMRT QA reproducibility and performance were investigated across five dosimeter systems: a helical diode array, radiographic film, ion chamber, diode array (AP field-by-field, AP composite, and rotational composite), and an in-house designed multiple ion chamber phantom. The reproducibility was gauged for each device by comparing the coefficients of variation (CV) across six patient plans. The performance of each device was determined by comparing each one’s ability to accurately label a plan as acceptable or unacceptable compared to a gold standard. All methods demonstrated a CV of less than 4%. Film proved to have the highest variability in QA measurement, likely due to the high level of user involvement in the readout and analysis. This is further shown by how the setup contributed more variation than the readout and analysis for all of the methods, except film. When evaluated for ability to correctly label acceptable and unacceptable plans, two distinct performance groups emerged with the helical diode array, AP composite diode array, film, and ion chamber in the better group; and the rotational composite and AP field-by-field diode array in the poorer group. Additionally, optimal threshold cutoffs were determined for each of the dosimetry systems. These findings, combined with practical considerations for factors such as labor and cost, can aid a clinic in its choice of an effective and safe patient-specific IMRT QA implementation.

Integration of research advances in modelling and monitoring in support of WFD river basin management planning in the context of climate change

The integration of scientific knowledge about possible climate change impacts on water resources has a direct implication on the way water policies are being implemented and evolving. This is particularly true regarding various technical steps embedded into the EU Water Framework Directive river basin management planning, such as risk characterisation, monitoring, design and implementation of action programmes and evaluation of the "good status" objective achievements (in 2015). The need to incorporate climate change considerations into the implementation of EU water policy is currently discussed with a wide range of experts and stakeholders at EU level. Research trends are also on-going, striving to support policy developments and examining how scientific findings and recommendations could be best taken on board by policy-makers and water managers within the forthcoming years. This paper provides a snapshot of policy discussions about climate change in the context of the WFD river basin management planning and specific advancements of related EU-funded research projects. Perspectives for strengthening links among the scientific and policy-making communities in this area are also highlighted.

Policy processes and collective action in water reforms: the cases of Nicaragua and Suriname

Las reformas de agua en países en desarrollo suelen llevarse a cabo junto con cambios institucionales más profundos o, incluso, acompañadas de cambios constitucionales o de régimen político. Por lo tanto, los marcos institucionales adaptados a países gobernados sujetos al estado de derecho pueden no ser apropiados para contextos gobernados fundamentalmente, al menos en sus inicios, por instituciones informales o poco maduras. Esta tesis toma las reformas de agua como punto de partida y pretende contribuir a la literatura mediante una serie de análisis empíricos tanto del ámbito general como del plano individual o sujeto personal de la política del agua. En el ámbito general, el foco se pone en los factores que explican el fallo de la acción colectiva en dos contextos diferentes: 1) en la implementación de la nueva Ley de Aguas de Nicaragua y 2) en el mantenimiento y revitalización de las instituciones de riego en Surinam. En el plano del individuo, la investigación se centra en las decisiones de los usuarios de los recursos y analiza el papel crítico de las variables sociales para la gestión de los recursos comunes. Para ello, el método de investigación utilizado es mixto, combinando el análisis de entrevistas, encuestas y experimentos. En el ámbito general, los resultados muestran que las principales barreras para la implementación de la nueva Ley de Aguas de Nicaragua podrían tener su reflejo en el lenguaje de la Ley y, por tanto, en la forma en la que se definen y configuran las instituciones incluidas en dicha Ley. Así, la investigación demuestra que la implementación de políticas no puede ser estudiada o entendida sin tener en cuenta tanto el diseño de la propia política como el marco socio-ecológico en el que se enmarca. El contexto específico de Nicaragua remarca la importancia de considerar tanto las instituciones formales como informales en los procesos de transición política. A pesar de que las reformas de agua requieren plazos largos para su implementación, el hecho de que exista una diferencia entre las reglas tal cual se definen formalmente y las reglas que operan en la realidad merece una mayor consideración en el diseño de políticas basadas fundamentalmente en instituciones formales. En el ámbito de la conducta individual, el análisis de la acción colectiva ofrece una serie de observaciones empíricas interesantes. En el caso de Nicaragua, los resultados indican que la intensidad de las relaciones sociales, el tipo de agentes dispuestos a proporcionar apoyo social y el nivel de confianza en la comunidad son factores que explican de manera significativa la participación en la comunidad. Sin embargo, el hecho de que la gestión colectiva de riego se produzca, en la mayoría de casos, en torno a lazos familiares sugiere que las variables de capital social críticas se definen en gran medida en la esfera familiar, siendo difícil que se extiendan fuera de estos nexos. El análisis experimental de los resultados de un juego de uso de recurso común y contribución al bien público muestra que las preferencias pro-sociales de los individuos y la heterogeneidad del grupo en términos de composición por sexo son factores que explican significativamente los resultados y las decisiones de apropiación a lo largo del juego. En términos del diseño de las políticas, es fundamental tener en cuenta las dinámicas de participación y uso de los recursos comunes de manera que los niveles de cooperación puedan mantenerse en el largo plazo, lo cual, como se observa en el caso de Surinam, no es siempre posible. Finalmente, el caso de Surinam es un ejemplo ilustrativo de los procesos de acción colectiva en economías en transición. El análisis del fallo de la acción colectiva en Surinam muestra que los procesos políticos vinculados al período colonial y de independencia explican en gran medida la falta de claridad en las reglas operacionales y colectivas que gobiernan la gestión de los sistemas de riego y drenaje. Los resultados empíricos sugieren que a pesar de que la acción colectiva para la provisión de los servicios de riego y drenaje estaba bien establecida bajo el régimen colonial, la auto-organización no prosperó en un contexto dependiente del apoyo externo y regido fundamentalmente por reglas diseñadas al nivel competencial del gobierno central. El sistema socio-ecológico que se desarrolló durante la transición post-colonial favoreció, así, la emergencia de comportamientos oportunistas, y posteriormente la inoperancia de los Water Boards (WBs) creados en la época colonial. En este sentido, cualquier intento por revitalizar los WBs y fomentar el desarrollo de la auto-organización de los usuarios necesitará abordar los problemas relacionados con los patrones demográficos, incluyendo la distribución de la tierra, el diseño de instituciones y la falta de confianza en el gobierno, además de las inversiones típicas en infraestructura y sistemas de información hidrológicos. El liderazgo del gobierno, aportando empuje de arriba-abajo, es, además, otro elemento imprescindible en Surinam. ABSTRACT Water reforms in developing countries take place along deeper institutional and even constitutional. Therefore, institutional frameworks that might result in positive outcomes in countries governed by the rule of law might not fit in contexts governed mainly by informal or immature institutions. This thesis takes water reforms as the starting point and aims to contribute to the literature by presenting several conceptual and empirical analyses at both general and individual levels. At the general national level, the focus is on the factors explaining failure of collective action in two different settings: 1) in the implementation of the new Nicaraguan Water Law and 2) in sustaining and revitalizing irrigation institutions in Suriname. At the individual level, the research focuses on the actions of resource users and analyzes the critical role of social variables for common pool resources management. For this purpose, the research presented in this thesis makes use of a mixed-method approach, combining interviews, surveys and experimental methods. Overall, the results show that major barriers for the implementation of the new Nicaraguan Water Law have its reflection on the language of the Law and, therefore, on the way institutions are defined and configured. In this sense, our study shows that implementation cannot fruitfully be studied and understood without taking into account both the policy design and the social-ecological context in which it is framed. The specific setting of Nicaragua highlights the relevance of considering both formal and informal institutions when promoting policy transitions. Despite the unquestionable fact that water reforms implementation needs long periods of time, there is still a gap between the rules on paper and the rules on the ground that deserves further attention when proposing policy changes on the basis of formal institutions. At the level of the individual agent, the analysis of collective action provides a number of interesting empirical insights. In the case of Nicaragua, I found that the intensity of social networks, the type of agents willing to provide social support and the level of trust in the community are all significant factors in explaining collective action at community level. However, the fact that most collective irrigation relies on family ties suggests that critical social capital variables might be defined within the family sphere and making it difficult to go beyond it. Experimental research combining a common pool resource and a public good game in Nicaragua shows that individuals’ pro-social traits and group heterogeneity in terms of sex composition are significant variables in explaining efficiency outcomes and effort decisions along the game. Thus, with regard to policy design, it is fundamental to consider carefully the dynamics of agents' participation and use of common pool resources, for sustaining cooperation in the long term, which, as seen in the case and Surinam, is not always possible. The case of Suriname provides a rich setting for the analysis of collective action in transition economies. The analysis of decay of collective irrigation in Suriname shows that the lack of clear operational and collective choice rules appear to be rooted in deeper political processes that date back to the colonial period. The empirical findings suggest that despite collective action for the provision of irrigation and drainage services was well established during the colonial period, self-organization did not flourish in a context governed by colonial state-crafted rules and mostly dependent on external support. The social-ecological system developed during the post-colonial transition process favored the emergence of opportunistic behavior. In this respect, any attempt to revitalize WBs and support self-organization will need to tackle the problems derived from demographic patterns, including land allocation, institutions design and government distrust, in addition to the typical investments in both physical infrastructure and hydrological information systems. The leadership role of the government, acting as a top-down trigger, is another essential element in Suriname.

Leader Rural Development Program in Spain: Profile and Functions of Workers in Local Action Groups.

Occupations in the labor market are linked with to a minimum basic training and other capacities. Hired workers should be able to accomplish required functions related to their specific job. Regarding the rural development labor market, local action groups? workers have defined performance areas?projects, strategy, organization and training & market?but specific functions within each of these areas are not as clearly defined. Neither both, basic training and capacities needed to perform each job profile within the local action group are defined. This communication analyses training and other capacities linked to each of the job profiles within the local action group. Functions within each of the performance areas previously defined are also analyzed regarding the job profiles.

Generating Linked-Data based Domain-Specific Sentiment Lexicons from Legacy Language and Semantic Resources

We present a methodology for legacy language resource adaptation that generates domain-specific sentiment lexicons organized around domain entities described with lexical information and sentiment words described in the context of these entities. We explain the steps of the methodology and we give a working example of our initial results. The resulting lexicons are modelled as Linked Data resources by use of established formats for Linguistic Linked Data (lemon, NIF) and for linked sentiment expressions (Marl), thereby contributing and linking to existing Language Resources in the Linguistic Linked Open Data cloud.

Los paisajes del desecho: reactivación de los lugares del deterioro

Actualmente en nuestro planeta producimos 1.300 millones de toneladas de residuos urbanos al año. Si los extendemos sobre la superficie de un cuadrado de lado 100 m (una hectárea) alcanzarían una altura de 146 km. ¿Cuál es el origen de nuestros residuos? ¿A dónde va esta basura? ¿Cómo nos afecta? ¿Tiene alguna utilidad? Se trata de un problema antiguo que, en los últimos tiempos, ha adquirido una nueva dimensión por el tipo y la cantidad de residuos generados. Las primeras preocupaciones de la ciudad por ordenar estos problemas dieron lugar al establecimiento de espacios o lugares específicos para la acumulación de los residuos urbanos: los vertederos. Los desechos hoy se generan más rápidamente que los medios disponibles para reciclarlos o tratarlos. Los vertederos de residuos urbanos son y seguirán siendo, a corto y medio plazo, soluciones válidas por ser un método de gestión relativamente barato, sobre todo en los países en vías de desarrollo. Como consecuencia y necesidad de lo anterior, se plantea demostrar que la recuperación y la transformación de estos vertederos de residuos urbanos (lugares del deterioro), una vez abandonados, es posible y que además pueden dar lugar a nuevos espacios públicos estratégicos de la ciudad contemporánea. Son espacios de oportunidad, vacíos monumentales producto de una reactivación arquitectónica y paisajística realizada a partir de complejos procesos de ingeniería medioambiental. Pero las soluciones aplicadas a los vertederos de residuos urbanos desde mediados del siglo XX se han realizado exclusivamente desde la ingeniería para tratar de resolver cuestiones técnicas, un modelo agotado que ya no puede gestionar la magnitud que este problema ha alcanzado, haciéndose necesaria e inevitable la participación de la arquitectura para abrir nuevas líneas de investigación y de acción. En estos primeros compases del siglo XXI existe una “nueva” preocupación, un “nuevo” interés en los paradigmas de lo ecológico y de la sostenibilidad, también un interés filosófico (que igualmente otorga un nuevo valor al residuo como recurso), que dirigen su mirada hacia un concepto de paisaje abierto y diferente a modelos anteriores más estáticos, recuperando como punto de partida el ideal pintoresco. El landscape urbanism se consolida como una disciplina capaz de dar respuesta a lo natural y artificial simultáneamente, que sustituye a las herramientas tradicionales de la arquitectura para solucionar los problemas de la ciudad contemporánea, incorporando las infraestructuras de gran escala, como un vertedero de residuos urbanos, y los paisajes públicos que generan como el verdadero mecanismo de organización del urbanismo de hoy. No se trata solo de un modelo formal sino, lo que es más importante: de un modelo de procesos. Esta nueva preocupación permite abordar la cuestión del paisaje de manera amplia, sin restricciones, con un alto grado de flexibilidad en las nuevas propuestas que surgen como consecuencia de estos conceptos, si bien los esfuerzos, hasta la fecha, parecen haberse dirigido más hacia el fenómeno de lo estético, quedando todavía por explorar las consecuencias políticas, sociales, económicas y energéticas derivadas de los residuos. También las arquitectónicas. El proyecto del landscape urbanism se ocupa de la superficie horizontal, del plano del suelo. Desde siempre, la preparación de este plano para desarrollar cualquier actividad humana ha sido un gesto fundacional, un gesto propio necesario de toda arquitectura, que además ahora debe considerarlo como un medio o soporte biológicamente activo. En términos contemporáneos, el interés disciplinar radica en la continuidad y en la accesibilidad del suelo, diluyendo los límites; en que funcione a largo plazo, que se anticipe al cambio, a través de la flexibilidad y de la capacidad de negociación, y que sea público. La recuperación de un vertedero de residuos urbanos ofrece todas estas condiciones. Un breve recorrido por la historia revela los primeros ejemplos aislados de recuperación de estos lugares del deterioro, que han pasado por distintas fases en función de la cantidad y el tipo de los desechos producidos, evolucionando gracias a la tecnología y a una nueva mirada sobre el paisaje, hasta desarrollar una verdadera conciencia de lo ecológico (nacimiento de una ideología). El Monte Testaccio en Roma (siglos I-III d.C.) constituye un caso paradigmático y ejemplar de vertedero planificado a priori no solo como lugar en el que depositar los residuos, sino como lugar que será recuperado posteriormente y devuelto a la ciudad en forma de espacio público. Una topografía de desechos generada por acumulación, organizada y planificada durante tres siglos, que nos hace reflexionar sobre los temas de producción, consumo y proyecto arquitectónico. El Monte Testaccio revela una fuente de inspiración, un arquetipo de gestión sostenible de los recursos y del territorio. A través de la experiencia en la recuperación y transformación en espacios públicos de casos contemporáneos, como el antiguo vertedero de Valdemingómez en Madrid o el de El Garraf en Barcelona, se han analizado las técnicas y las soluciones empleadas para establecer nuevas herramientas de proyecto planteadas en clave de futuro, que revelan la importancia de los procesos frente a la forma, en los cuales intervienen muchos factores (tanto naturales como artificiales), entre ellos la vida y el tiempo de la materia viva acumulada. Son lugares para nuevas oportunidades y ejemplos de una nueva relación con la naturaleza. La reactivación de los vertederos de residuos, a través del proyecto, nos propone una nueva topografía construida en el tiempo, el suelo como soporte, como punto de encuentro de la naturaleza y los sistemas tecnológicos de la ciudad que posibilitan nuevos modos de vida y nuevas actividades. Los vertederos de residuos son inmensas topografías naturales surgidas de procesos artificiales, atalayas desde las que divisar un nuevo horizonte, un nuevo mundo, un nuevo futuro donde sea posible lograr la reversibilidad de nuestros actos del deterioro. Pero la voluntad de estas recuperaciones y transformaciones no consiste exclusivamente en su reintegración al paisaje, sino que han servido como muestra de las nuevas actitudes que la sociedad ha de emprender en relación a los temas medio ambientales. ABSTRACT Here on our planet we currently produce 1.3 billion tonnes of urban waste per year. If we were to spread this over a surface of 100m2 (one hectare), it would reach a height of 146km. What is the origin of this waste? Where does our refuse go? How does it affect us? Does it have any uses? We are dealing with an old problem which, in recent times, has taken on a new dimension due to the type of waste and the amount generated. Cities’ first concerns in resolving these problems gave rise to the establishment of areas or specific places for the accumulation of urban waste: landfills. These days, waste is generated more quickly than the available resources can recycle or process it. Urban waste landfills are and will continue to be, in the short and mid-term, valid solutions, given that they constitute a relatively cheap method for waste management, especially in developing countries. Consequently and necessarily, we plan to demonstrate that it is possible to recover and transform these urban waste landfills (areas of deterioration) once they have been abandoned and that they can give rise to new strategic public areas in contemporary cities. They are areas of opportunity, monumental vacancies produced by an architectural reactivation of the landscape, which is achieved using complex processes of environmental engineering. But the solutions applied to urban waste landfills throughout the 20th century have used engineering exclusively in the attempt to resolve the technical aspects. This is a worn-out model which can no longer handle the magnitude which the problem has attained and therefore, there is an inevitable need for the participation of architecture, which can open new lines of research and action. In these first steps into the 21st century, there is a “new” concern, a “new” interest in the paradigms of environmentalism and sustainability. There is also a philosophical interest (which assigns the new value of ‘resource’ to waste) and all is aimed towards the concept of an open landscape, unlike the previous, more static models, and the intention is to recover picturesque ideals as the starting point. Landscape urbanism has been established as a discipline capable of simultaneously responding to the natural and the artificial, replacing the traditional tools of architecture in order to resolve contemporary cities’ problems. It incorporates large scale infrastructures, such as urban waste landfills, and public landscapes which are generated as the true organisational mechanism of modern day urbanism. It is not merely a formal model, it is more important than that: it is a model of processes. This new concern allows us to address the matter of landscape in a broad way, without restrictions, and with a great degree of flexibility in the new proposals which come about as a consequence of these concepts. However, efforts to date seem to have been more directed at aesthetic aspects and we have yet to explore the political, social, economic and energetic consequences derived from waste – nor have we delved into the architectural consequences. The landscape urbanism project is involved with the horizontal surface, the ground plane. Traditionally, the preparation of this plane for the development of any human activity has been a foundational act, a necessary act of all architecture, but now this plane must be considered as a biologically active medium or support. In contemporary terms, the discipline’s interest lies in the continuity and accessibility of the land, diffusing the limits; in long term functionality; in the anticipation of change, via flexibility and the ability to negotiate; and in it being a public space. The recovery of an urban waste landfill offers all of these conditions. A brief look through history reveals the first isolated examples of recovery of these spaces of deterioration. They have gone through various phases based on the quantity and type of waste produced, they have evolved thanks to technology and a new outlook on the landscape, and a real environmental awareness has been developed (the birth of an ideology). Monte Testaccio in Rome (1st to 3rd Century AD) constitutes a paradigmatic and exemplary case of a landfill that was planned a priori not only as a place to deposit waste but also as a place that would be subsequently recovered and given back to the city in the form of a public space. This spoil mound, generated by organised and planned accumulation over three centuries, makes us reflect on the themes of production, consumption and architectural planning. Monte Testaccio reveals a source of inspiration, an archetype of the sustainable management of resources and land. Using our experience of contemporary cases of land recovery and its transformation into public spaces, such as the former Valdemingómez landfill in Madrid or the Garraf in Barcelona, we analysed the techniques and solutions used in order to establish new project tools. These are proposed with an eye on the future, seeing as they reveal the importance of the processes over the form and involve many factors (both natural and artificial), including the life and age of the accumulated living matter. They are places for new opportunities and examples of our new relationship with nature. The reactivation of landfills, via this project, is a proposal for a new topography built within time, using the ground as the support, as the meeting point between nature and the technological systems of the city which make it possible for new ways of life and new activities to come about. Landfills are immense natural topographical areas produced by artificial processes, watchtowers from which to discern a new horizon, a new world, a new future in which it will be possible to reverse our acts of deterioration. But the intention behind these recoveries and transformations does not only hope for landscape reintegration but it also hopes that they will also serve as a sign of the new attitudes that must be adopted by society with regard to environmental matters.

50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

Sterol regulatory element binding protein-1c is a major mediator of insulin action on the hepatic expression of glucokinase and lipogenesis-related genes

Hepatic glucokinase plays a key role in glucose metabolism as underlined by the anomalies associated with glucokinase mutations and the consequences of tissue-specific knock-out. In the liver, glucokinase transcription is absolutely dependent on the presence of insulin. The cis-elements and trans-acting factors that mediate the insulin effect are presently unknown; this is also the case for most insulin-responsive genes. We have shown previously that the hepatic expression of the transcription factor sterol regulatory element binding protein-1c (SREBP-1c) is activated by insulin. We show here in primary cultures of hepatocytes that the adenovirus-mediated transduction of a dominant negative form of SREBP-1c inhibits the insulin effect on endogenous glucokinase expression. Conversely, in the absence of insulin, the adenovirus-mediated transduction of a dominant positive form of SREBP-1c overcomes the insulin dependency of glucokinase expression. Hepatic fatty acid synthase and Spot-14 are insulin/glucose-dependent genes. For this latter class of genes, the dominant positive form of SREBP-1c obviates the necessity for the presence of insulin, whereas glucose potentiates the effect of SREBP-1c on their expression. In addition, the insulin dependency of lipid accumulation in cultured hepatocytes is overcome by the dominant positive form of SREBP-1c. We propose that SREBP-1c is a major mediator of insulin action on hepatic gene expression and a key regulator of hepatic glucose/lipid metabolism.

Engineering a tRNA and aminoacyl-tRNA synthetase for the site-specific incorporation of unnatural amino acids into proteins in vivo

In an effort to expand the scope of protein mutagenesis, we have completed the first steps toward a general method to allow the site-specific incorporation of unnatural amino acids into proteins in vivo. Our approach involves the generation of an “orthogonal” suppressor tRNA that is uniquely acylated in Escherichia coli by an engineered aminoacyl-tRNA synthetase with the desired unnatural amino acid. To this end, eight mutations were introduced into tRNA2Gln based on an analysis of the x-ray crystal structure of the glutaminyl-tRNA aminoacyl synthetase (GlnRS)–tRNA2Gln complex and on previous biochemical data. The resulting tRNA satisfies the minimal requirements for the delivery of an unnatural amino acid: it is not acylated by any endogenous E. coli aminoacyl-tRNA synthetase including GlnRS, and it functions efficiently in protein translation. Repeated rounds of DNA shuffling and oligonucleotide-directed mutagenesis followed by genetic selection resulted in mutant GlnRS enzymes that efficiently acylate the engineered tRNA with glutamine in vitro. The mutant GlnRS and engineered tRNA also constitute a functional synthetase–tRNA pair in vivo. The nature of the GlnRS mutations, which occur both at the protein–tRNA interface and at sites further away, is discussed.

A histone deacetylase inhibitor potentiates retinoid receptor action in embryonal carcinoma cells

Histone acetylation is thought to have a role in transcription. To gain insight into the role of histone acetylation in retinoid-dependent transcription, we studied the effects of trichostatin A (TSA), a specific inhibitor of histone deacetylase, on P19 embryonal carcinoma cells. We show that coaddition of TSA and retinoic acid (RA) markedly enhances neuronal differentiation in these cells, although TSA alone does not induce differentiation but causes extensive apoptosis. Consistent with the cooperative effect of TSA and RA, coaddition of the two agents synergistically enhanced transcription from stably integrated RA-responsive promoters. The transcriptional synergy by TSA and RA required the RA-responsive element and a functional retinoid X receptor (RXR)/retinoic acid receptor (RAR) heterodimer, both obligatory for RA-dependent transcription. Furthermore, TSA led to promoter activation by an RXR-selective ligand that was otherwise inactive in transcription. In addition, TSA enhanced transcription from a minimum basal promoter, independently of the RA-responsive element. Finally, we show that TSA alone or in combination with RA increases in vivo endonuclease sensitivity within the RA-responsive promoter, suggesting that TSA treatment might alter a local chromatin environment to enhance RXR/RAR heterodimer action. Thus, these results indicate that histone acetylation influences activity of the heterodimer, which is in line with the observed interaction between the RXR/RAR heterodimer and a histone acetylase presented elsewhere.

Genetic dissection of dome formation in a mammary cell line: Identification of two genes with opposing action

In this work, we extend the study of the genes controlling the formation of domes in the rat mammary cell line LA7 under the influence of DMSO. The role of the rat8 gene has already been demonstrated. We have now studied two additional genes. The first, called 133, is the rat ortholog of the human epithelial membrane protein 3 (EMP3), a member of the peripheral myelin protein 22 (PMP22)/EMP/lens-specific membrane protein 20 (MP20) gene family that encodes for tetratransmembrane proteins; it is expressed in the LA7 line in the absence of DMSO but not in its presence. The second gene is the β subunit of the amiloride-sensitive Na+ channel. Studies with antisense oligonucleotides show that the formation of domes is under the control of all three genes: the expression of rat8 is required for both their formation and their persistence; the expression of the Na+ channel β subunit is required for their formation; and the expression of gene 133 blocks the expression of the Na+ channel genes, thus preventing formation of the domes. The formation of these structures is also accompanied by the expression of α6β1 integrin, followed by that of E-cadherin and cytokeratin 8. It appears, therefore, that dome formation requires the activity of the Na+ channel and the rat8-encoded protein and is under the negative control of gene 133. DMSO induces dome formation by blocking this control.

Phytosulfokine-α, a sulfated pentapeptide, stimulates the proliferation of rice cells by means of specific high- and low-affinity binding sites

Peptide growth factors were isolated from conditioned medium derived from rice (Oryza sativa L.) suspension cultures and identified to be a sulfated pentapeptide [H-Tyr(SO3H)-Ile-Tyr(SO3H)-Thr-Gln-OH] and its C-terminal-truncated tetrapeptide [H-Tyr(SO3H)-Ile-Tyr(SO3H)-Thr-OH]. These structures were identical to the phytosulfokines originally found in asparagus (Asparagus officinalis L.) mesophyll cultures. The pentapeptide [phytosulfokine-α (PSK-α)] very strongly stimulated colony formation of rice protoplasts at concentrations above 10−8 M, indicating a similar mode of action in rice of phytosulfokines. Binding assays using 35S-labeled PSK-α demonstrated the existence of both high- and low-affinity specific saturable binding sites on the surface of rice cells in suspension. Analysis of [35S]PSK-α binding in differential centrifugation fractions suggested association of the binding with a plasma membrane-enriched fraction. The apparent Kd values for [35S]PSK-α binding were found to be 1 × 10−9 M for the high-affinity type and 1 × 10−7 M for the low-affinity type, with maximal numbers of binding sites of 1 × 104 sites per cell and 1 × 105 sites per cell, respectively. Competition studies with [35S]PSK-α and several synthetic PSK-α analogs demonstrated that only peptides that possesses mitogenic activity can effectively displace the radioligand. These results suggest that a signal transduction pathway mediated by peptide factors is involved in plant cell proliferation.