859 resultados para soft power, national identity, creative models, cultural resources, creative entrepreneur
Resumo:
Este estudio de caso se centra en los esfuerzos de China por reanudar los Six Party Talks o Diálogos a Seis Bandas que son considerados como la opción más viable para tratar la situación nuclear en la península coreana.
Resumo:
A partir de febrero de 2014, la historia de la República Bolivariana se fracturó. El descontento popular, la protesta social y las marchas pacíficas son reprimidas como consecuencia de un abuso de poder por parte del gobierno del presidente Nicolás Maduro. Las redes de información y comunicación, en los términos de Margaret Keck y Kathryn Sikkink, han jugado un papel fundamental para poner en evidencia las violaciones sistemáticas a los DD.HH., siendo estos el factor principal que vulnera la estabilidad política de la democracia venezolana. En este sentido, el desconocimiento de las garantías fundamentales, el deterioro de la democracia constitucional y el papel multiplicador de los actores transnacionales, han logrado visibilizar ante la comunidad internacional un déficit en materia de DD.HH. y con ello la debilidad de Venezuela como gobierno democrático.
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Las obras geográficas de Manuel Ancízar y Felipe Pérez dan cuenta de la manera en la que la élite intelectual neogranadina se apropió y representó el aspecto físico y humano de la nación al inicio y final de la Comisión Corográfica (1850-1859). Un análisis comparativo de las obras mostrará la manera en la que la narración literaria y la geográfica influyen en la elaboración de imaginarios territoriales para unificar la nación y consolidar la identidad nacional a partir de la apropiación territorial en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX
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La Playa es un sector de la ciudad de Bogotá, donde se encuentra la oferta de músicos informales más grande de Colombia: mariachis, tríos de cuerda y grupos vallenatos. En esta investigación, se analiza la migración de músicos vallenatos provenientes del Caribe colombiano a este sector de la capital del país; se examina el trabajo de estos músicos en La Playa; y se revisa el proceso de consolidación del vallenato como música nacional.
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La presente monografía pretende explorar la cooperación Sur-Sur en el marco de los BRICS como una estrategia de soft power de estos Estados para aumentar su liderazgo global. Lo anterior se constituye como un elemento fundamental en la consolidación de los BRICS como un foro político y ha permitido el inicio de un proceso de cohesión identitaria dentro del grupo, lo que a su vez ha generado que actúen conjuntamente en diferentes espacios. El análisis se hace a través de la aproximación teórica de la hegemonía cooperativa de Thomas Pedersen y el concepto de soft power desarrollado por Joseph Nye, lo que permite no solo caracterizar a los miembros del grupo BRICS sino que también da lugar a identificar sus aspiraciones en el foro y en torno a qué temas u objetivos se unen.
Resumo:
El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo determinar el papel que ha desempeñado la industria cinematográfica colombiana en la promoción de imagen del país a nivel internacional durante los gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos. Se defiende, que la industria cinematográfica colombiana sí ha incidido en la promoción de imagen del país a nivel internacional, puesto que, ha incrementado la presencia del cine colombiano en los festivales de cine más importantes del mundo, generando una mayor figuración del nombre de Colombia en escenarios internacionales, proyectándose como país que impulsa su cinematografía, lo cual ha sido posible gracias a unas políticas de promoción del cine por parte del Estado. Para desarrollar esta investigación, se utilizarán los conceptos de diplomacia cultural, promoción de la imagen país, e industria cinematográfica. Como metodología, se utilizarán el diseño documental y de campo, y se realizarán entrevistas a expertos en cine.
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O tema apresentado neste artigo problematiza a questão básica do papel da literatura na construção da identidade “nacional”, no desenvolvimento da identidade política e cultural de um moderno estado - nação como Moçambique. A Literatura é a componente central da identidade cultural de todos os modernos estados-nação. Antes da independência, os escritores africanos nas colónias portuguesas puderam expressar algumas formas de autonomia cultural, ainda que tivessem cuidado com a censura – como é evidente na poesia do moçambicano José Craveirinha e Noémia de Sousa, ambos mostrando no seu trabalho, uma consistente fonte de inspiração e influência dos temas dos movimentos negros norte-americanos.
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El autor estudia el poema que Alfredo Pareja escribiera en 1935, El entenao, dentro del proyecto literario y social del Grupo de Guayaquil, ya que presenta los valores del montuvio y lo muestra como víctima de un sistema de justicia que ampara la usurpación y el abuso de los poderosos (el entenado es una figura de orígenes paternos inciertos, que simboliza el abandono y menosprecio con que se mira al montuvio). El proyecto del Grupo, a pesar del empeño y los esfuerzos investigativos -que incluyeron la mirada desde la arqueología-, quedó luego estancado en «lo folclórico», durante décadas. Por ello tiene sentido la publicación de la obra en 1988, cuando el país inició un nuevo proceso de definición de lo nacional- esta vez en torno a la interculturalidad-, la publicación coincide y contribuye con este segundo esfuerzo por integrar la cultura montuvia en el escenario nacional.
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Los escritores ecuatorianos han creado un rico legado de imaginarios que apuntan a una identidad nacional que es, en el fondo, plurinacional e intercultural. Si bien los autores de la Generación del 30 plantearon con su narrativa un proyecto de nación que incluía a las diferentes culturas que la habitan –proyecto mestizo fallido, sin embargo, en tanto anulaba las diferencias y consagraba las desigualdades–, el protagonismo social de estas culturas en la década de los 90 complementa la propuesta surgida desde lo literario en los años 30. Adicionalmente, la auto-representación política actual de dichos grupos pone en tela de juicio criterios del ámbito cultural contemporáneo, uno de ellos es el del llamado «Síndrome de Falcón», que pretende ser una metáfora de la carga de representar a sectores sociales desfavorecidos, que ha pesado sobre los narradores ecuatorianos durante el siglo XX. Todo ello empuja el proceso de reconfiguración del panorama de la cultura ecuatoriana: la creciente participación de estas voces antes silenciadas, así como la emergencia de otras formas de contemplar al mundo natural, que suscitan nuevas lecturas de novelas clásicas como Don Goyo o La isla virgen de Demetrio Aguilera-Malta.
Resumo:
As the United States became a world Power, journalist and intellectual Walter Lippmann feared that it would become its own worst enemy. During and after the Second World War, he tried to steer the country towards coherent statecraft, to define the national interest and the limits of power, and give geopolitical expression to the role of the United States as the core of an Atlantic strategic system. But in response to world war, the Truman Doctrine, and the Korean War, he became pessimistic about the country's ability to conduct strategy effectively. In the prophetic tradition, he believed that a fatal symbiosis between America's growing strength and domestic politics led it towards crisis. Though at times ahistorical, Lippmann's concept of strategy deserves attention for its dialogue between power and identity, for its questioning of “ends” as well as means, and for its focus on the danger of self-defeating behaviour.
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This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.
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According to the 2000 census, 35.3 million Hispanics live in the United States. This number comprises 12.5% of the overall population rendering the Latino community the largest minority in the United States. The Mexican community is not only the largest Hispanic group but also the fastest growing: from 1990 to 2000, the Mexican population grew 52.9% increasing from 13.5 million to 20.6 million (U.S. Department of Commerce News, 2001). The influx of Mexican immigrants coupled with the expansion of their community within the United States has created an unparalleled situation of language contact. Language is synonymous with identity (cf. Granger, 2004, and works cited within). To the extent that this is true, Spanish is synonymous with being Mexican and by extension, Chicano. With the advent of amnesty programs such as Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which naturalized millions of Mexican migrants, what was once a temporal migratory population has become increasingly permanent (Durand et al., 1999). In an effort to conserve Mexican traditions and identity, the struggle to preserve the mother tongue while at the same time acculturate to mainstream Americana has resulted in a variant of Spanglish that has received little attention. This paper will examine the variant of Spanglish seen in the greater Los Angeles area and liken it to the bi-national identity under which these Mexican Americans thrive.
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The Farming of Bones deals with issues surrounding the dynamic connections between identity and boundary construction in post-colonial context. It will present an analysis of how the novelist problematizes and communicates her idea of social and national identity construction to her readers and how the readers can identify themselves with the struggles and challenges of the protagonist Amabelle who is trying to find her own identity. This essay will show how Danticat’s novel contributes to an understanding of national identity beyond borders and makes the reader take the role of an individual who constructs her identity by uncovering moments of raw humanness. Until now, no literary scholar has examined the protagonist’s therapeutic role in bridging this social and national gap. Instead critics have discussed other issues of the novel like crossing and re-crossing the border, love, dreams, etc. Although this scholarship has been very effective and rewarding, it lacks any focus on the complexity of the characters’ identity construction. Therefore, this paper will reconsider Danticat’s The Farming of Bones with a closer attention to the question of identity.
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The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful.