965 resultados para philosophy, philosophie, ethics, éthique, economics, économie, Microfinance
Resumo:
It is highly desirable for an allocation of goods to be efficient. However, one might also deem it important that an allocation gives individuals what they deserve. This paper investigates whether it is possible for an allocation to be both efficient and give people what they deserve. It will first of all consider comparative desert, and conclude that it is possible to satisfy both desiderata. It will then consider absolute desert by integrating Shelly Kagans work on desert and economic theory. The conclusion will be that there are potential conflicts between absolute desert and efficiency. The paper will then examine how to select the best compromise between the two values, considering several different conceptions of absolute desert.
Resumo:
Nous nous proposons, dans le cadre de cette tude, de dmontrer que les Essais de Montaigne contiennent bel et bien, en dpit dune forme clate et dun propos non systmatique, ce quil convient dappeler une morale. Non seulement cette morale ne soppose-t-elle pas au scepticisme des Essais, mais elle lui est mme dune certaine faon coextensive : la morale de Montaigne est une morale de lessai, lequel constitue lexpression la plus acheve de son scepticisme. Ce dernier, pour tre bien compris, doit pralablement tre mis en parallle avec la voie () que propose Sextus Empiricus dans ses Hypotyposes pyrrhoniennes, dont linfluence sur Montaigne pourrait tre bien plus importante que ne le laissent croire plusieurs travaux rcents.
Resumo:
Comment rationnellement peut-on imaginer les strategies de menace, si lon veut influencer les actions dautrui? Dans cette conference lauteur essaie de montrer que les menaces de coercition ne fonctionnent pas dans des situations duelles sans contexte social. Il montre quelles fonctionnent seulement si on ajoute des elements sociaux comme les institutions. En dautres termes, les menaces efficientes entre sujets rationnels fonctionnent seulement si elles sont confortees par les institutions. Cest une sorte dargument Hobbesien qui montre que dans letat de nature le pouvoir social nexiste pas. Le pouvoir social est une construction sociale
Resumo:
We consider the following question: does market failure justify redistribution? We argue that the general answer to this question is no, in the sense that policies for correcting market failures do not aim at producing a "desirable" income distribution. This follows from the fact that, by construction, market failure is a deviation from "efficiency" that does not involve any notion of a desirable distribution of welfare (or income). However, there are special cases where a "corrective measure" involving redistribution can offset a market failure, so this can provide a form of efficiency- based justification for redistribution.
Resumo:
Through the justice principles equality, time, status, need, efficiency and worth developed by Jon Elster, we show in this article how fair trade certification for producers is legitimatised by stakeholders. Based on a field investigation with coffee growers in Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia and with fair trade organisations in the North (Max Havelaar/FLO, Andines and Artisans du Monde), the analysis firstly reviews just certification according to the impersonal criteria of mechanical justice, such as equality, time and efficiency. The second section looks at more individualised criteria such as the status, need and worth of the beneficiaries. Finally, it determines in what way fair trade is really a mixed bag, one which calls upon different principles of justice to justify what it is out to accomplish. The main result of the analysis is that fair certification granted to producer organisations is not being distributed according to a unique system of justice based on just one criterion. On the contrary, fair trade is a complex and hybrid bag that uses different components from each distribution procedure.
Resumo:
The Brazilian Amazon is one of the worlds largest tropical forests. It supplies more than 80 % of Brazils timber production and makes this nation the second largest producer of tropical wood. The forestry sector is of major importance in terms of economic production and employment creation. However, the Brazilian Amazon is also known for its high deforestation rate and for its rather unsustainably managed timber resources, a fact which puts in the balance the long-term future of the forestry sector in the region. Since the mid- 1990s, with strong support from World Wildlife Fund (WWF), the number of tropical forests certified by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) has significantly increased. This is especially true for projects sponsored by large scale companies. The number of community- based forest management projects has also increased. Certification of community-based forest enterprises (CFEs) was initially a goal for the sponsors and community members. Certification is viewed as a way to reach alternative timber markets. In Brazil, the state of Acre has the highest concentration of CFEs certified by FSC. Most of them have been implemented with the support of environmental NGOs and public funds. Environmental NGOs strongly defend the advantages of certification for communities; however, in reality, this option is not that advantageous. Despite all the efforts, the number of participants in each project remains low. Why is this occurring? In this paper, we analyze the underlying motives of a few individuals participation in CFEs certification projects. We aim to present and discuss some factors that shape the success of CFEs and their later certification. The results are based on surveys conducted in two certified CFEs in the state of Acre.
Resumo:
Plusieurs critiques ont t adresses Lvinas quant la difficult de conjuguer le caractre infini de la responsabilit éthique, quil prsente comme condition de possibilit de lexprience, et la mesure de lobligation envers autrui qui nat invitablement dans le politique. En effet, la distinction semble si prononce entre lobligation thique transcendante envers lautre et la logique politique, univers de sens associ lontologie et prsent comme violent et immanent, que lthique peut apparatre compromise ds quelle est exprime dans un contexte social. En rponse ces difficults, ce mmoire vise dmontrer quen dpit de leur opposition fondamentale, lordre thique et lordre ontologico-politique font partie dune structure unique. la lumire de lentre en scne du tiers et de la ncessit de justice qui laccompagne, lexistence dun carrefour entre ces couches de significations distinctes, mais interdpendante, peut tre illustre. De fait, la justice constitue un concept amphibologique chez Lvinas qui, participant la fois de lthique et du politique, permet de mettre au jour lancrage a priori social de lthique. Cette tude prsentera des rflexions critiques relies la discipline juridique et aux droits de lhomme, qui dmontreront comment la pense de Lvinas non seulement peut, mais doit souvrir une expression sociale.
Resumo:
RSUM: Selon Kant, il faut rendre la Critique plus comprhensible. Cela revient doter son exposition dun plus haut degr de lucidit (Helligkeit), cest--dire combiner la clart discursive avec une clart intuitive. Pour ce faire, nous reprsentons les grandes lignes de la structure discursive de la Critique sous la forme dun modle emprunt la description de la formation du caractre moral esquiss dans lAnthropologie. Ainsi, la raison est dabord rgie par son instinct de connaissance (Wibegierde, Erkenntnistrieb), qui la plonge dans un tat de vacillement (Schwankender Zustand). Ensuite, elle ragit par du dgot (berdru), ce rejet ouvrant la voie lintrospection (Selbsterkenntnis) proprement critique. La raison entreprend alors une rvolution de son mode de pense spculatif (Revolution der Denkungsart) consistant passer, sous lgide du devoir moral (Pflicht), de la malhonntet lhonntet, envers soi-mme ainsi quenvers autrui. Il sagit, en un mot, dune renaissance (Wiedergeburt) morale.
Resumo:
Dans le prsent mmoire, je revisite loeuvre de Foucault la lumire des analyses quil offre entre 1981 et 1984 dans ses derniers cours au Collge de France. lencontre de lavis qui voit une rupture dans la pense foucaldienne opinion justifie par la transition radicale quopre Foucault depuis ltude de la relation entre pouvoir et savoir lanalyse des techniques de subjectivation dans lAntiquit jillustre quil y a continuit et complmentarit entre ses analyses des annes 1970 et ses dmonstrations des annes 1980. Foucault trouve, au fondement de la pratique politique grco-romaine, une thique dfinie comme travail de soi sur soi. Aussi tente-t il, au travers de ses dernires analyses, de ractualiser lasksis comme fondement oubli de léthique, et lthos comme condition defficacit de la politique. Si, jusquen 1980, Foucault sintresse aux mcanismes et aux dispositifs permettant le gouvernement de la population, partir de 1980, cest la question du gouvernement de soi comme condition ncessaire du gouvernement des autres qui investit ses analyses. Lobjectif de ce mmoire est dillustrer, partir de la redfinition foucaldienne de léthique, la prsence dune nouvelle thorie de la rsistance dans ses derniers cours au Collge de France. Par voie de consquence, je propose implicitement des claircissements sur la fonction quoccupent LUsage des plaisirs et le Souci de soi, ultimes publications de lauteur, au sein de son oeuvre.
Resumo:
This paper investigates the moral duties that human rights NGOs, such as Amnesty International, and development NGOs, such as Oxfam, have in relation to human rights especially in relation to the human right to a decent standard of living. The mentioned NGOs are powerful new agents on the global scene, and according to many they might be duty-bearers in relation to human rights. However, until now their moral duties have hardly been investigated. The present paper investigates NGO duties in relation to human rights by looking in particular to a moral theory recently proposed by Leif Wenar, a theory which has some similarities to utilitarianism. In applying this theory, a case for human-rights duties of NGOs is developed mainly by considering the indispensable role that civil society plays in protecting human rights. The paper concludes that, at least, NGOs bear duties with regard to human rights when, as in certain real-life cases, NGO involvement is the only way to achieve acceptable protection against standard threats to certain goods, such as a decent standard of living.
