396 resultados para enemy


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In this critical analysis of sociological studies of the political subsystem in Yugoslavia since the fall of communism Mr. Ilic examined the work of the majority of leading researchers of politics in the country between 1990 and 1996. Where the question of continuity was important, he also looked at previous research by the writers in question. His aim was to demonstrate the overall extent of existing research and at the same time to identify its limits and the social conditions which defined it. Particular areas examined included the problems of defining basic concepts and selecting the theoretically most relevant indicators; the sources of data including the types of authentic materials exploited; problems of research work (contacts, field control, etc.); problems of analysisl and finally the problems arising from different relations with the people who commission the research. In the first stage of the research, looking at methods of defining key terms, special attention was paid to the analysis of the most frequently used terms such as democracy, totalitarianism, the political left and right, and populism. Numerous weaknesses were noted in the analytic application of these terms. In studies of the possibilities of creating a democratic political system in Serbia and its possible forms (democracy of the majority or consensual democracy), the profound social division of Serbian society was neglected. The left-right distinction tends to be identified with the government-opposition relation, in the way of practical politics. The idea of populism was used to pass responsibility for the policy of war from the manipulator to the manipulated, while the concept of totalitarianism is used in a rather old-fashioned way, with echoes of the cold war. In general, the terminology used in the majority of recent research on the political subsystem in Yugoslavia is characterised by a special ideological style and by practical political material, rather than by developed theoretical effort. The second section of analysis considered the wider theoretical background of the research and focused on studies of the processes of transformation and transition in Yugoslav society, particularly the work of Mladen Lazic and Silvano Bolcic, who he sees as representing the most important and influential contemporary Yugoslav sociologists. Here Mr. Ilic showed that the meaning of empirical data is closely connected with the stratification schemes towards which they are oriented, so that the same data can have different meanings in shown through different schemes. He went on to show the observed theoretical frames in the context of wider ideological understanding of the authors' ideas and research. Here the emphasis was on the formalistic character of such notions as command economy and command work which were used in analysing the functioning and the collapse of communist society, although Mr. Ilic passed favourable judgement on the Lazic's critique of political over-determination in its various attempts to explain the disintegration of the communist political (sub)system. The next stage of the analysis was devoted to the problem of empirical identification of the observed phenomena. Here again the notions of the political left and right were of key importance. He sees two specific problems in using these notion in talking about Yugoslavia, the first being that the process of transition in the FR Yugoslavia has hardly begun. The communist government has in effect remained in power continuously since 1945, despite the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990. The process of privatisation of public property was interrupted at a very early stage and the results of this are evident on the structural level in the continuous weakening of the social status of the middle class and on the political level because the social structure and dominant form of property direct the majority of votes towards to communists in power. This has been combined with strong chauvinist confusion associated with the wars in Croatia and Bosnia, and these ideas were incorporated by all the relevant Yugoslav political parties, making it more difficult to differentiate between them empirically. In this context he quotes the situation of the stream of political scientists who emerged in the Faculty of Political Science in Belgrade. During the time of the one-party regime, this faculty functioned as ideological support for official communist policy and its teachers were unable to develop views which differed from the official line, but rather treated all contrasting ideas in the same way, neglecting their differences. Following the introduction of a multi-party system, these authors changed their idea of a public enemy, but still retained an undifferentiated and theoretically undeveloped approach to the issue of the identification of political ideas. The fourth section of the work looked at problems of explanation in studying the political subsystem and the attempts at an adequate causal explanation of the triumph of Slobodan Milosevic's communists at four subsequent elections was identified as the key methodological problem. The main problem Mr. Ilic isolated here was the neglect of structural factors in explaining the voters' choice. He then went on to look at the way empirical evidence is collected and studied, pointing out many mistakes in planning and determining the samples used in surveys as well as in the scientifically incorrect use of results. He found these weaknesses particularly noticeable in the works of representatives of the so-called nationalistic orientation in Yugoslav sociology of politics, and he pointed out the practical political abuses which these methodological weaknesses made possible. He also identified similar types of mistakes in research by Serbian political parties made on the basis of party documentation and using methods of content analysis. He found various none-sided applications of survey data and looked at attempts to apply other sources of data (statistics, official party documents, various research results). Mr. Ilic concluded that there are two main sets of characteristics in modern Yugoslav sociological studies of political subsystems. There are a considerable number of surveys with ambitious aspirations to explain political phenomena, but at the same time there is a clear lack of a developed sociological theory of political (sub)systems. He feels that, in the absence of such theory, most researcher are over-ready to accept the theoretical solutions found for interpretation of political phenomena in other countries. He sees a need for a stronger methodological bases for future research, either 1) in complementary usage of different sources and ways of collecting data, or 2) in including more of a historical dimension in different attempts to explain the political subsystem in Yugoslavia.

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Ethylene is a stress hormone with contrasting effects on herbivore resistance. However, it remains unknown whether these differences are plant- or herbivore-specific. We cloned a rice 1-aminocyclopropane-1-carboxylic acid (ACC) synthase gene, OsACS2, whose transcripts were rapidly up-regulated in response to mechanical wounding and infestation by two important pests: the striped stem borer (SSB) Chilo suppressalis and the brown planthopper (BPH) Nilaparvata lugens. Antisense expression of OsACS2 (as-acs) reduced elicited ethylene emission, SSB-elicited trypsin protease inhibitor (TrypPI) activity, SSB-induced volatile release, and SSB resistance. Exogenous application of ACC restored TrypPI activity and SSB resistance. In contrast to SSB, BPH infestation increased volatile emission in as-acs lines. Accordingly, BPH preferred to feed and oviposit on wild-type (WT) plants—an effect that could be attributed to two repellent volatiles, 2-heptanone and 2-heptanol, that were emitted in higher amounts by as-acs plants. BPH honeydew excretion was reduced and natural enemy attraction was enhanced in as-acs lines, resulting in higher overall resistance to BPH. These results demonstrate that ethylene signaling has contrasting, herbivore-specific effects on rice defense responses and resistance against a chewing and a piercing-sucking insect, and may mediate resistance trade-offs between herbivores of different feeding guilds in rice.

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Enemy release is frequently posed as a main driver of invasiveness of alien species. However, an experimental multi-species test examining performance and herbivory of invasive alien, non-invasive alien and native plant species in the presence and absence of natural enemies is lacking. In a common garden experiment in Switzerland, we manipulated exposure of seven alien invasive, eight alien non-invasive and fourteen native species from six taxonomic groups to natural enemies (invertebrate herbivores), by applying a pesticide treatment under two different nutrient levels. We assessed biomass production, herbivore damage and the major herbivore taxa on plants. Across all species, plants gained significantly greater biomass under pesticide treatment. However, invasive, non-invasive and native species did not differ in their biomass response to pesticide treatment at either nutrient level. The proportion of leaves damaged on invasive species was significantly lower compared to native species, but not when compared to non-invasive species. However, the difference was lost when plant size was accounted for. There were no differences between invasive, non-invasive and native species in herbivore abundance. Our study offers little support for invertebrate herbivore release as a driver of plant invasiveness, but suggests that future enemy release studies should account for differences in plant size among species.

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The defense of plants against herbivores and pathogens involves the participation of an enormous range of different metabolites, some of which act directly as defensive weapons against enemies (toxins or deterrents) and some of which act as components of the complex internal signaling network that insures that defense is timed to enemy attack. Recent work reveals a surprising trend: The same compounds may act as both weapons and signals of defense. For example, two groups of well-studied defensive weapons, glucosinolates and benzoxazinoids, trigger the accumulation of the protective polysaccharide callose as a barrier against aphids and pathogens. In the other direction, several hormones acting in defense signaling (and their precursors and products) exhibit activity as weapons against pathogens. Knowing which compounds are defensive weapons, which are defensive signals and which are both is vital for understanding the functioning of plant defense systems.

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Starting of from Avner Offer’s comment that the First World War was not only a war of steel and gold, but also of bread and potatoes (1989: 1) and my own research on British as well as Australian preparations for economic warfare and based on sources from the entente as well as the central powers but also from the United States, Canada and Australia, may presentation will focus on the interdependence of the measures taken by entente as well as central power authorities in the second half of 1916. Already a year before both sides had become aware that this war would not only be decided on the battlefield, but that the issues of primary as well as secondary resources would be decisive. Accordingly measures that could strike the enemy in this field were discussed and put into place more and more and this at time, when weather conditions caused a reduction of harvest all over Europe, Northern America and Argentina.

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In many territorial species androgen hormones are known to increase in response to territorial intrusions as a way to adjust the expression of androgen-dependent behaviour to social challenges. The dear enemy effect has also been described in territorial species and posits that resident individuals show a more aggressive response to intrusions by strangers than by other territorial neighbours. Therefore, we hypothesized that the dear enemy effect may also modulate the androgen response to a territorial intrusion. Here we tested this hypothesis in male cichlid fish (Mozambique tilapia, Oreochromis mossambicus) using a paradigm of four repeated territorial intrusions, either by the same neighbour or by four different unfamiliar intruders. Neighbour intruders elicited lower aggression and a weaker androgen response than strangers on the first intrusion of the experiment. With repeated intrusions, the agonistic behaviour of the resident males against familiar intruders was similar to that displayed towards strangers. By the fourth intrusion the androgen response was significantly reduced and there was no longer a difference between the responses to the two types of intruders. These results suggest that the dear enemy effect modulates the androgen response to territorial intrusions and that repeated intrusions lead to a habituation of the androgen response.

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Emergency Departments (EDs) and Emergency Rooms (ERs) are designed to manage trauma, respond to disasters, and serve as the initial care for those with serious illnesses. However, because of many factors, the ED has become the doorway to the hospital and a “catch-all net” for patients including those with non-urgent needs. This increase in the population in the ED has lead to an increase in wait times for patients. It has been well documented that there has been a constant and consistent rise in the number of patients that frequent the ED (National Center for Health Statistics, 2002); the wait time for patients in the ED has increased (Pitts, Niska, Xu, & Burt, 2008); and the cost of the treatment in the ER has risen (Everett Clinic, 2008). Because the ED was designed to treat patients who need quick diagnoses and may be in potential life-threatening circumstances, management of time can be the ultimate enemy. If a system was implemented to decrease wait times in the ED, decrease the use of ED resources, and decrease costs endured by patients seeking care, better outcomes for patients and patient satisfaction could be achieved. The goal of this research was to explore potential changes and/or alternatives to relieve the burden endured by the ED. In order to explore these options, data was collected by conducting one-on-one interviews with seven physicians closely tied to a Level 1 ED (Emergency Room physicians, Trauma Surgeons and Primary Care physicians). A qualitative analysis was performed on the responses of one-on-one interviews with the aforementioned physicians. The interviews were standardized, open-ended questions that probe what makes an effective ED, possible solutions to improving patient care in the ED, potential remedies for the mounting problems that plague the ED, and the feasibility of bringing Primary Care Physicians to the ED to decrease the wait times experienced by the patient. From the responses, it is clear that there needs to be more research in this area, several areas need to be addressed, and a variety of solutions could be implemented. The most viable option seems to be making the ED its own entity (similar to the clinic or hospital) that includes urgent clinics as a part of the system, in which triage and better staffing would be the most integral part of its success.^

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Resumen: Augusto llegó al poder por ser hijo adoptivo de César. Hasta recibir el título de Augusto en el año 27 a. C., fue conocido como G. Iulius Caesar Diui filius. Ser heredero de César tenía que ser algo más que recibir su nombre y sus poderes: también sus cualidades personales debían recordar al Dictador. Por eso, durante la mitad del triunvirato, Augusto intentó emular a su padre adoptivo también en sus cualidades como amante. Su tumultuosa vida afectiva y conyugal, en efecto, se concentra entre los años 44 y 35 a. C., con varios matrimonios o esponsales, y el nacimiento de su única hija. De esta época proceden la mayoría de las historias que –ciento cincuenta años después- contaría Suetonio a partir de una fuente cercana a Marco Antonio. A partir de la sacrosantidad promulgada para Livia en el año 35 a. C., sin embargo, comienza una nueva etapa en la imagen moral de Augusto, centrada en la virtud y la monogamia: una etapa que le llevaría años después a desterrar a su propia hija y, después, a su nieta, por adulterio. De esta doble imagen de Augusto, la primera debida a la emulación de su padre adoptivo, y la segunda debida a una necesidad de justificación ideológica de su régimen frente al de su enemigo Marco Antonio, proceden las noticias aparentemente contradictorias sobre los “vicios privados y públicas virtudes” de Gayo Julio César Augusto.

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La finalidad de este trabajo fué determinar las especies parásitas e hiperparásitas del "bicho del cesto" común, Oiketicus Kirbyi Guild, en Mendoza, a fin de obtener supervivencia de la que se encuentra en mayor número e intensidad. Como resultado de estas investigaciones se comprobó que el calcídido Psychidosmicra Brethesi Blanchard constituye un eficáz enemigo específico del psíquico, llegándose a la conclusión que debe preservarse dicho material por el método de aislamiento en su época oportuna, permitiendo esto incrementar las poblaciones por dispersión artificial y atenuar la acción del factor hiperparasitismo.

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En Ayax de Sófocles, se rompe la cadena inexorable de odios heredados, porque alguien, Teucro, acepta la mano tendida del adversario, Odiseo. Blundell remarca este lento pero efectivo caminar hacia la conciliación. Nuestro trabajo se propone una mirada "desde la justicia" humana y divina. Efectúa un rastreo sobre el juicio de Ayax a través de visiones de la épica tardía, la lírica y la tragedia y descubre en esta obra la confluencia de juicios injustos del pasado y el comienzo de futuros juicios también injustos. El interés por la instancia judicial nos lleva al análisis de la constitución del tribunal, su modo de proceder y las consecuencias de su accionar. También nos detenemos en el enfoque religioso elegido por Sófocles. Por último se evalúa la tragedia a la luz de los estadios de evolución del sentimiento de venganza

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El objetivo de este trabajo es reflexionar acerca del significado que el término haereticus adquiere en el discurso de Cromacio de Aquileya. Se procurará demostrar que haereticus contiene en su corpus una doble dimensión semántica: por un lado, en su acepción más inmediata, designa al cristiano abiertamente disidente respecto de la ortodoxia local; por otro, la lectura atenta de los Sermones y del Tractatus in Mathaeum permite apreciar que Cromacio empleaba el concepto para referir a algunos miembros de la propia comunidad cristiana cuyas conductas y creencias acaso no se adecuaban a las exigencias de la nueva fe. Al mismo tiempo, pues, el término haereticus resultaba un útil instrumento para la catequesis, puesto que pretendía instruir a estos cristianos imperfectos en la especificidad de la identidad cristiana, y un instrumento coercitivo, ya que aspiraba a que el temor a merecer en vida y tras la muerte las sanciones destinadas al haereticus externo y arquetípico contribuyera a la completa asunción de las consecuencias del acto de conversión

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Se analizarán dos textos producidos por C. Alberini a fines de la década de 1910 que ejemplifican las primeras modulaciones que ha adoptado el discurso antipositivista en la Argentina, orientadas a otorgar identidad y legitimidad sociales al incipiente campo filosófico. En ellos aparecen tanto las representaciones explícitas con que el campo construirá su propia función social, como el nuevo lenguaje teórico a partir del cual dar satisfacción a esas representaciones. El personalismo será la expresión de dicha construcción discursiva, atravesada por las dis-locaciones que produce la definición negativa de su categoría central -la "personalidad"- en oposición a la ima-gen construida del enemigo positivista

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El proceso revolucionario inaugurado en 1810 fue acompañado de una propaganda política tendiente a suscitar la adhesión y a adoctrinar políticamente a la población porteña, la que tuvo como componente central un discurso antiespañolista con el objetivo de definir al enemigo político de la revolución: los españoles. En este trabajo se examina cómo fueron representados los españoles en las obras teatrales y poesías "patrióticas" escritas por los letrados revolucionarios durante la década de 1810 y de qué forma el antiespañolismo desarrollado en estas obras fue entendido e incorporado al imaginario antiespañol presente en la sociedad porteña desde tiempos coloniales.

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Durante el tercer gobierno peronista (1973-1976) comenzó a montarse el dispositivo represivo que marcó los prolegómenos del Terrorismo de Estado llevado adelante por la dictadura militar de 1976. En Mendoza, la violencia paraestatal fue llevada a cabo por el CAM (Comando Anticomunista Mendoza), y el Comando Moralizador Pío XII. En este trabajo nos proponemos realizar a partir del uso de fuentes escritas y del testimonio de algunos/as sobrevivientes, una reconstrucción del accionar paraestatal, en vistas a analizar, por un lado, cómo se constituyeron en la dinámica local, las redes de relaciones implicadas en la práctica represiva y la inflexión que implicó noviembre de 1975 en la centralización de la represión; y por otro lado, cómo se manifestó el carácter internacional de la represión y la idea de aniquilación del "enemigo interno" en Mendoza, partiendo de la hipótesis de que la misma adquirió proporciones inusitadas debido a su carácter de provincia de frontera y su cercanía con Chile, en un momento de articulación de redes represivas en el Cono Sur.

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Los mendigos fueron estigmatizados durante la temprana modernidad, convirtiéndose en sujetos sospechosos sobre los cuales recaían múltiples acusaciones. En el presente trabajo veremos cómo La vida del Buscón llamado Don Pablos reproduce este discurso, en el cual encontramos varias similitudes con la marginación de otros grupos sociales en este mismo período de consolidación monárquica. A partir de esto, manejamos la hipótesis de que este texto es parte de la configuración de un enemigo interno que debía ser perseguido y respecto del cual era necesario generar, a través de la aversión y el temor generalizados, el rechazo de la población