952 resultados para bourgeois revolution
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The present study is focused on the analysis of the political, economical and social factors that may interfere with the possibility of a Green Revolution as a solution for Mozambique to reach self-sufficiency and to reduce poverty. In order to perform such analysis, the study analyzes the consequences of the decolonization process in Mozambique focusing that the independence process in Mozambique did not create non-colonial models for the Agriculture Sector. Later on, the study tries to understand the impact of HIV/AIDS and Malaria on the labor force. By then, it explores the concepts of the Green Revolution and its successful history in India. At the end, it tries to evaluate if a Green Revolution is possible in Africa, especially in Mozambique, first identifying the factors, which characterized the Green Revolution in India, and trying to link those factors with the reality of Mozambique. The report is structured as followed; Chapter 2, ¿The decolonization process and its impacts on the agriculture sector¿. It gives information about the decolonization process, and explores its consequences. Chapter 3, ¿The Impacts of HIV/AIDS and Malaria on the Labor Force¿. It analyzes the impact of those diseases in the labor force. Chapter 4 ¿The Green Revolution and the Agriculture Sector¿, explores the concepts of Green Revolution, its success in India and its history in Mozambique. Chapter 5, finally, centers on conclusions, findings and recommendations.
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This paper argues that trade specialization played an indispensable role in supporting the Industrial Revolution, allowing the economy to shift resources to the manufacture without facing food and raw materials shortage. In our arti cial economy, there are two sectors agriculture and manufacture and the economy is initially closed and under a Malthusian trap. In this economy the industrial revolution entails a transition towards a dynamic Heckscher-Ohlin economy. The model reproduces the main stylized facts of the transition to modern growth and globalization. We show that two-sectors closed-economy models cannot explain the fall in the value of land relative to wages observed in the 19th century and that the transition in this case is much longer than that observed allowing for trade.
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Democracy became the preferred and consolidated form of government only in the twentieth century. It is not sufficient to explain this change solely by reference to rational motives, nor by detecting processes and leadership. A historical approach is required. The new historical fact that led to the change of preference from aristocratic rule to democracy is the capitalist revolution, which changed the manner of appropriating the economic surplus from violence to the market. This is the first necessary condition for democracy. The disappearance of the fear of expropriation, the rise of middle classes and the pressures of the poor or of the workers are the second, third and fourth new historical facts that opened the way for the transition from the liberal to the liberal-democratic regime. After these four conditions were fulfilled, the elites ceased to fear that they would be expropriated if universal suffrage was granted. Eventually, after the transition, the democratic regime became the rational choice for all classes. The theory presented here does not predict transitions, since countries often turn democratic without fully realized historical conditions, but it predicts democratic consolidation, since no country that has completed its capitalist revolution falls back into authoritarianism.
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The capitalist revolution was such a major economic, social and political transformation that that we can see history divided into two phases: ancient and modern times or pre-capitalism and capitalism. While ancient societies change slowly, modern societies change fast as they, for the first time, experience economic development. Taking the more developed countries as reference, capitalism itself may be seen as divided in three phases: commercial capitalism that marked the transition, classical or bourgeois capitalism, and professionals’ or knowledge capitalism. The later, that is dominant since the beginning of the 20th century, may be divided in two phases: the fordist one and the 30 neoliberal years of capitalism (1979-2008).
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This paper argues that trade specialization played an indispensable role in supporting the Industrial Revolution. We calibrate a two-good and two-sector overlapping generations model to Englandís historical development and investigate how much different Englandís development path would have been if it had not globalized in 1840. The open-economy model is able to closely match the data, but the closed-economy model cannot explain the fall in the value of land relative to wages observed in the 19th century. Without globalization, the transition period in the British economy would be considerably longer than that observed in the data and key variables, such as the share of labor force in agriculture, would have converged to Ögures very distant from the actual ones.
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In 1824 the creation of institutions that constrained the monarch’s ability to unilaterally tax, spend, and debase the currency put Brazil on a path toward a revolution in public finance, roughly analogous to the financial consequences of England’s Glorious Revolution. This credible commitment to honor sovereign debt resulted in successful long-term funded borrowing at home and abroad from the 1820s through the 1880s that was unrivalled in Latin America. Some domestic bonds, denominated in the home currency and bearing exchange clauses, eventually circulated in European financial markets. The share of total debt accounted for by long-term funded issues grew, and domestic debt came to dominate foreign debt. Sovereign debt yields fell over time in London and Rio de Janeiro, and the cost of new borrowing declined on average. The market’s assessment of the probability of default tended to decrease. Imperial Brazil enjoyed favorable conditions for borrowing, and escaped the strong form of “original sin” stressed by recent work on sovereign debt. The development of vibrant private financial markets did not, however, follow from the enhanced credibility of government debt. Private finance in Imperial Brazil suffered from politicized market interventions that undermined the development of domestic capital markets. Private interest rates remained high, entry into commercial banking was heavily restricted, and limited-liability joint-stock companies were tightly controlled. The Brazilian case provides a powerful counterexample to the general proposition of North and Weingast that institutional changes that credibly commit the government to honor its obligations necessarily promote the development of private finance. The very institutions that enhanced the credibility of sovereign debt permitted the systematic repression of private financial development. In terms of its consequences for domestic capital markets, the liberal Constitution of 1824 represented an “inglorious” revolution.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Este texto veio a constituir parte do segundo capítulo de nossa tese de Mestrado - O Ato Livre: considerações a respeito da política operária - Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo. Nele, procuro mostrar a impressionante semelhança de pressupostos teóricos subjacentes tanto a um discurso que articula a concepção burguesa das relações sociais, criado para o controle da c/asse operária, quanto a seu suposto oponente, que articularia a concepção socialista e que, explicitamente, estaria desenvolvendo o ponto de vista marxista. Com esse objetivo, cotejo os discursos de Getúlio Vargas (pronunciados nos anos de 1946 e 1947) com os quase contemporâneos discursos de Luis Carlos Prestes (escritos em 1945). Concluo com uma breve reflexão a respeito da origem desses pressupostos no interior do movimento comunista internacional.
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In the last decades of the 1901 century the Mexican society went through a period of political and economical stability, and relative social tranquility. on contrast, during the revolutionary context various armed movements promoted the disruption of this status quo. In this article, by the analysis of several testimonies, I intend to show some aspects regarding criminality and violence phenomena, during the 1910 and 1920 years on the Northern Mexico.
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Through the analysis of Mexican livestock statistics and Sonora and Chihuahua regional census, this work discusses the condition of livestock farming in Northern Mexico during the first decades of the twentieth century, specially after the Revolution. There is no doubt that during this period, the absolute number of livestock heads diminished throughout Mexico, but "estate depredations" did vary geographically. In Nortehrn Mexico, livestock farming suffered more in Chihuahua than in Sonora, and herd recovery was also faster in Sonora. This analysis also allows us to underscore the role of postrevolutionary elites in rebuilding regional economies during the 1920's.
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Includes bibliography