A vivência de mulheres em cargos em cargos executivos em grandes empresas: uma análise interseccional das desigualdades de gênero e de Raça

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR

O discurso do ódio: a cultura do medo e a influência midiática sobre a (in)efetividade dos direitos fundamentais

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Governamentalidades neoliberais e dispositivos de segurança

Este artigo visa a realizar um debate teórico por meio das análises de Michel Foucault e de Robert Castel, entre outros, a respeito dos mecanismos de segurança e das estratégias de governamentalidade neoliberal, na sociedade contemporânea. Os cursos Em defesa da sociedade, Segurança, território e população e Nascimento da Biopolítica, de Foucault, inauguraram uma discussão relevante a respeito dos racismos de Estado e de sociedade, de seus paradoxos, nas democracias, e de seus efeitos a partir da emergência do neoliberalismo norte-americano e alemão, após a II Guerra Mundial, que foram difundidos em outros países, sobretudo na década de noventa do século XX, com especificidades em cada país, mas com pontos de conexão que nos permitem traçar um diagrama da sociedade de segurança e de como ela opera por táticas de governo das condutas, também denominadas governamentalidades, por Foucault.

Exá raú mboguatá guassú mohekauka yvy marãe‟y

Resumo: O presente estudo procura analisar sob as lentes da antropologia, a forma como as lideranças religiosas Mbya, cumprem os sonhos recebidos de Nhanderú Ete, iniciando a caminhada em direção a terra sem mal, a yvy marãe‟y; retornam ao local de ocupação antiga ou a indicada por Nhanderú, terra com a qual mantém laços históricos de luta. Os conflitos se intensificam com a demarcação/ampliação dos territórios ou de terra para o Guarani Mbya, como no caso do Pará, que andaram por cerca de cem anos até encontrar a terra onde exercitar o modo correto de se viver; o dissenso potencializa o etnocentrismo, a discriminação, o racismo, o estigma de ser índio, bugre, preguiçoso, alcoólatra, “raça inferior”. A pesquisa versa sobre o modo como "escolhem”, “adotam,” “retomam,” ressignificam, reterritorializam, guaranizam a terra onde pausaram a caminhada.

Per un'etica della letteratura: la cornice il doppio legame nell'opera di J. M. Coetzee

The elusive fiction of J. M. Coetzee is not a work in which you can read fixed ethical stances. I suggest testing the potentialities of a logic based on frames and double binds in Coetzee's novels. A double bind is a dilemma in communication which consists on tho conflicting messages, with the result that you can’t successfully respond to neither. Jacques Derrida highlighted the strategic value of a way of thinking based on the double bind (but on frames as well), which enables to escape binary thinking and so it opens an ethical space, where you can make a choice out of a set of fixed rules and take responsibility for it. In Coetzee’s fiction the author himself can be considered in a double bind, seeing that he is a white South African writer who feels that his “task” can’t be as simply as choosing to represent faithfully the violence and the racism of the apartheid or of choosing to give a voice to the oppressed. Good intentions alone do not ensure protection against entering unwittingly into complicity with the dominant discourse, and this is why is important to make the frame in which one is always situated clearly visible and explicit. The logic of the double bind becomes the way in which moral problem are staged in Coetzee’s fiction as well: the opportunity to give a voice to the oppressed through the same language which co-opted to serve the cause of oppression, a relation with the otherness never completed, or the representability of evil in literature, of the secret and of the paradoxical implications of confession and forgiveness.

Il volto europeo del reato di negazionismo tra richieste di incriminazione UE e principi fondamentali CEDU

La presente indagine mira ad esaminare, in chiave innovativa, i rapporti tra l’Europa ed un reato prettamente europeo: il negazionismo. Sviluppatosi in maniera assolutamente predominante nel nostro continente, le ragioni della sua diffusione sono molteplici. Al di là della lotta a razzismo ed antisemitismo, il motivo principale va identificato nel ruolo “fondativo” che riveste la memoria dell’Olocausto in Europa, collocata nel cuore dell’universo valoriale su cui si reggono i due principali attori europei, ovverosia l’Unione europea e la Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo. La ricerca, dunque, ruota attorno a due poli tematici. Da un lato, sono state esaminate le politiche normative dell’Unione europea in materia di razzismo e xenofobia, entro cui spicca la promozione dell’incriminazione del negazionismo “allargato”, cioè esteso alle condotte di negazione non solo dell’Olocausto, ma anche degli altri crimini internazionali. Dall’altro lato, l’analisi della trentennale giurisprudenza della Corte di Strasburgo in materia ha evidenziato come, con riguardo alle manifestazioni negazioniste, sia stato elaborato uno “statuto speciale”, che si risolve nel perentorio diniego di tutela per questa categoria di opinioni, sottratte a monte all’ordinario giudizio di bilanciamento in quanto giudicate incompatibili con i valori sottesi alla CEDU. Lo scopo di questo lavoro riposa nel tentativo di individuare le interazioni tra questi due sistemi istituzionali, per interpretare una tendenza che converge con nettezza verso un incremento della repressione penale della parola. Da questo complesso intreccio di norme e principi, di hard law e soft law, sarà possibile enucleare la natura giuridica ed il contenuto delle richieste di incriminazione rivolte agli Stati membri. Una volta appurato che agli Stati è concesso di restringere il campo di applicazione del reato di negazionismo, adottando degli indici di pericolosità delle condotte, sarà analizzata la tenuta di questi “elementi opzionali del reato” alla luce dei principi penalistici di tassatività, materialità, offensività e laicità.

Who can (not) be Greek? Citizenship, Identity and Belonging among youth of sub-Saharan African background in Athens

‘Who can be Greek?’ This was the question posed to the Greek society for the first time before the implementation of the Act 3838 in March 2010 which gave the right to access the Greek citizenship -under specific preconditions- to all children of legal migrants born or schooled in Greece. This change of the Nationality Code in order to include all those children was coincided by the economic crisis resulting into the rise of xenophobia, racism and extreme-right rhetoric. The outcome was the cancellation of the Act 3838 by the State Council in February 2013. Under this particular framework, the notions of identity and belonging formed among the youth of African background in Athens are explored. The ways those youngsters perceive not only themselves but also their peers, their countries of origin and the country they live in, are crucial elements of their self-identification. Researches have shown that the integration of the second generation is highly connected to their legal and social status. However, integration is a rather complex process, influenced and shaped by many variables and multiple factors. It is not linear; therefore, its outcomes are difficult to be predicted. Yet, I argue that citizenship acquisition facilitates the process as it transforms those children from ‘aliens’ to ‘citizens’. How these youngsters are perceived by the majority society and the State is one of the core questions of the research, focusing on the imposed dual ‘otherness’ they are subject to. On the one hand, they have to deal with the ‘otherness’ originating from the migrant status inherited to them by their parents, and on the other with the ‘otherness’ deriving from their different phenotypic characteristics. Race matters and becomes a means of discrimination against youth of African background who are perceived as inassimilable and ‘forever others’.

"Hey, Hey, He Gay, He Gay . . . Okay" . . . Or Is It?: The Sociological Importance of Bruno

Sacha Baron Cohen is a British comedian who has garnered a great deal of controversy over the years. Through his characters, Ali G, Borat, and Bruno, he attempts to trick people into letting down their guards and revealing any prejudices (racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia, misogyny, et cetera) that they may have. In doing so, each of his three characters has sparked a debate concerning the different issues they bring up: with Ali G, it was whether the character was racist or exposed racism; with Borat, it was whether the character was anti-Semitic or revealed anti-Semitism; and with Bruno, it is whether the character reinforces homophobia or mocks it. I am concerned with the last of these three debates, specifically in relation to Baron Cohen's film Bruno. Many say the film reinforces gay stereotypes and is thus harmful for the gay community, while a seemingly equal number of people say it effectively mocks homophobia and is thus beneficial for the gay community. Using the data I collected from thirty-one interviews conducted after five separate screenings of the film, I argue that Bruno is not harmful for the gay community as audiences understood that the Bruno character is based on exaggerated stereotypes of homosexuals. That is, the film did not reinforce any negative stereotypes. But, I also explain that the film did not change any opinions on homosexuality either. Also in this work, I argue that within the world of cinema, Bruno fails to fit into any pre-existing genre, including the 'mock-documentary' genre where it is most commonly placed. Rather, I suggest the film is better categorized as what I call a Real Fake Mock-documentary. While 'mock-documentaries' are made up of fictional characters in fictional situations, this new term encompasses the fact that Bruno involves a fictional character placed into real situations. I conclude by noting that the content, release, and debate surrounding Bruno all reveal that it is still difficult to bring up the issue of homosexuality in American society, even forty years after the Civil Rights era.

Chinese Whiteness: The Discourse Of Race In Modern And Contemporary Chinese Culture

This thesis chronicles the development of western forms of race and racism in China. It then studies contemporary China using theories derived from whiteness studies in order to explain the unique position that whites (Caucasians) have in China today. In Chapter I, I break down the definition of race and introduce a foundation for a whiteness studies approach to research. In Chapter II, I analyze how Chinese classified themselves and other humans prior to the western system of race. In Chapter III, I chronicle the introduction of western forms of race and racism to China, and the appropriation of these concepts to suit Chinese goals. In Chapter IV, I approach cultural phenomenon in contemporary China by situating them in their historical traditions as well as by approaching them as displaying an internalized racism and white privilege. Finally in the Conclusion, I postulate on what China¿s contemporary racial system means for China.

"What is the Value of Youth Work?" Symposium Booklet

As a group of experienced and novice youth workers, we believe that youth work is fundamentally about building trust-filled, mutually respectful relationships with young people. We create safe environments for young people to connect with other supportive adults and peers and to avoid violence in their neighborhoods and their homes. We guide those harmed by oppressive community conditions such as racism, sexism, agism, homophobia, and classism through a process of healing. As we get to know more about young people’s interests, we help them develop knowledge and skills in a variety of areas including: academic, athletic, leadership/civic, the arts, health and wellbeing, and career exploration. In short, we create transformative experiences for young people. In spite of the critical roles we play, we have largely been overlooked in youth development research, policy, and as a professional workforce. We face challenges ‘moving up’ in our careers. We get frustrated by how little money we earn. We are discouraged that despite our knowledge and experience we are not invited to the tables where youth funding, programming, and policy decisions are made. It is true—many of us do not have formal training or degrees in youth work—a reality which at times we regret. Yet, as our colleague communicates in the accompanying passage (see below), we resent that formal education is required for us to get ahead, particularly because we question whether we need it to do our jobs more effectively. Through the “What is the Value of Youth Work?” symposium, we hope to address these concerns through a dialogue about youth work with the following objectives: • Increase awareness of the knowledge, skills, contributions, and professionalism of youth workers; • Advance a youth worker professional development model that integrates a dilemma-focused approach with principles of social justice youth development; • Launch an ongoing Worcester area Youth Worker network. This booklet provides a brief overview of the challenges in ‘professionalizing’ youth work and an alternative approach that we are advancing that puts the knowledge and expertise of youth workers at the center of professional development.