955 resultados para Local governments


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Last decades economic development induced massive international and regional migration flows directed to the urban spaces. The magnitude and swiftness of these processes determined that several cities’ authorities would fail to respond to the increasing demands of many social services. The right to an “adequate housing” emerged as a political concern, leading governments and institutions to develop housing programmes directed to improve the lives of slum dwellers. This paper presents a diachronic evolution of these specific housing policies in the paradigmatic case-study of Brazil, critically analysing the evolving roles played by the multiple levels of decision (from international institutions to local communities) in the development and implementation of such measures.

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We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.

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We analyze whether local land supply is influenced by the degree of political competition, and interpret the findings as being indicative of the influence wielded by land development lobbies. We use a new database including both political and land supply data for more than 2,000 Spanish municipalities for the period 2003-2007. In Spain, land use policies are largely a local responsibility with municipalities having periodically to pass compre- hensive land use plans. The main policy variable in these plans, and the one analyzed here, is the amount of land classified for potential development. We measure local political competition as the margin of victory of the incumbent government. We instrument this variable using the number of votes obtained by parties represented in local government when standing at the first national legislative elections following the re-establishment of democracy, and the number of votes they actually obtained regionally at the national legislative elections. The results indicate that stiffer political competition does indeed reduce the amount of new land designated for development. This effect is found to be most marked in suburbs, in towns with a high percent of commuters and homeowners, and in municipalities governed by the left.

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The Purpose of This Article Is to Show How Costs and Benefits of Geographical Decentralization of R&D Can Be Identified and Compared. the Benefits for the Region That Receives R&D Activities Are Studied in Section 1. They Stem From the Short-Run Multiplier Effect, the Amelioration of Human Capital and the Possible Modernization of the Local Industrial Structure. on the Cost Side Examined in Section 2, the Observable Impacts of the Decentralization of R&D Concern the Loss of Returns to Scale and of the Production of the R&D Output. It Is Shown, in Section 3, That the Flows of Costs and Benefits Must Be Discounted by the Social Cost of Capital. the Main Conclusion of This Article Is That the Decentralization of R&D in a Large Sparsely Populated Country Entails Social Cost and Would Weaken Its Competitive Position in World Commerce. on the Other Hand, the Issue of Decentralization Is More Crucial for Small Countries (In Terms of Population and Economic Size) Than for Large Ones, Like the U.S., Where Critical Masses of Research Efforts Cna Be Simulataneously Attained in Many Fields and in Many Places.

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This paper approaches the topic of urban/community gardening not through the lens of urban theory per se but in light of basic farming realities such as growing season and land availability. Food security comprises availability and affordability. In the context of North American and Western European societies, only food affordability normally merits public discourse. In practice, governments have little or no means to change food affordability, in view of prevailing capitalistic free-market structures. In the current wave of popular exuberance, civic politicians and others have promoted the belief that community gardening could be the pathway to produce affordable food. The formidable obstacles to this pursuit include the availability of (low-cost) land within the highly-densified city limit, insufficient ambient temperature and water supply during the growing season and the contemporary structure of society. Overcoming these fundamental hurdles carries significant negative environmental and economic consequences.

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This article contributes to the debate on livelihood diversification in rural sub-Saharan Africa, focusing specifically on the growing economic importance of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in the region. The precipitous decline in the value of many export crops and the removal of subsidies on crucial inputs such as fertilizers have made smallholder production unviable, forcing many farmers to ‘branch out’ into non-farm activities to supplement their incomes. One of the more popular destinations for poor farmers is the low-tech ASM sector which, because of its low barriers to entry, has absorbed millions of rural Africans over the past two decades, the majority of whom are engaged in the extraction of near-surface mineral deposits located on concessions that have been demarcated to multinational corporations. The efforts made hitherto to control this illegal mining activity, both through force and regulation, however, have had little effect, forcing many of the region’s governments and private sector partners to ‘re-think’ their approaches. One strategy that has gained considerable attention throughout the region is intensified support for agrarian-orientated activities, many of which, despite the problems plaguing smallholder agricultural sector and challenges with making it more economically sustainable, are being lauded as appropriate ‘alternative’ sources of employment to artisanal mining. After examining where artisanal mining fits into the de-agrarianization ‘puzzle’ in sub-Saharan Africa, the article critiques the efficacy of ‘re-agrarianization’ as a strategy for addressing the region’s illegal mining problem. A case study of Ghana is used to shed further light on these issues.

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At a time when cities are competing with one another to attract or retain jobs within a globalizing economy, city governments are providing an array of financial incentives to stimulate job growth and retain existing jobs, particularly in high cost locations. This paper provides the first systematic and comprehensive analysis of datasets on economic development incentives in New York City over the last fifteen years. The evidence on job retention and creation is mixed. Although many companies do not meet their agreed-upon job targets in absolute terms, the evidence suggests that companies receiving subsidies outperform their respective industries in terms of employment growth, that is, the grow more, or decline less. We emphasize that this finding is difficult to interpret, since firms receiving incentives may not be representative of the industry as a whole. In other words, their above-average performance may simply reflect the fact that the Economic Development Corporation (EDC) selects economically promising companies within manufacturing (or other industries) when granting incentives. At the same time, it is also possible that receiving incentives helps these companies to become stronger.

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The political response to the complex package of environmental problems which threaten the future of our planet has been to introduce a new agenda of environmental action based on the principles of sustainability and subsidiarity. This has been crystallised in world agreements signed at the Earth Summit in Rio. One of these, Agenda 21, calls for the governments and communities of the world to prepare action plans for their areas which can build consensus between the various stakeholder groups and feed the principles of sustainable development back into their policies and day-to-day practices. This paper explores the experience of Local Agenda 21 type processes at three levels in the South East of England: the regional, county (sub-regional) and local level. In particular it undertakes a critical appraisal of the success of these participatory and consensus-building exercises in developing an integrated and co-ordinated approach to environmental action planning. It concludes that, although much useful work has been done in raising awareness and modifying policy and practice, there are significant cultural and institutional barriers which are hindering progress.

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Approaches to natural resource management emphasise the importance of involving local people and institutions in order to build capacity, limit costs, and achieve environmental sustainability. Governments worldwide, often encouraged by international donors, have formulated devolution policies and legal instruments that provide an enabling environment for devolved natural resource management. However, implementation of these policies reveals serious challenges. This article explores the effects of limited involvement of local people and institutions in policy development and implementation. An in-depth study of the Forest Policy of Malawi and Village Forest Areas in the Lilongwe district provides an example of externally driven policy development which seeks to promote local management of natural resources. The article argues that policy which has weak ownership by national government and does not adequately consider the complexity of local institutions, together with the effects of previous initiatives on them, can create a cumulative legacy through which destructive resource use practices and social conflict may be reinforced. In short, poorly developed and implemented community based natural resource management policies can do considerably more harm than good. Approaches are needed that enable the policy development process to embed an in-depth understanding of local institutions whilst incorporating flexibility to account for their location-specific nature. This demands further research on policy design to enable rigorous identification of positive and negative institutions and ex-ante exploration of the likely effects of different policy interventions.

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Despite rapid economic growth and poverty reduction, inequality in Chile has remained high and remarkably constant over the last 20 years, prompting academic and public interest in the subject. Due to data limitations, however, research on inequality in Chile has concentrated on the national and regional levels. The impact of cash subsidies to poor households on local inequality is thus not well understood. Using poverty-mapping methods to asses this impact, we find heterogeneity in the effectiveness of regional and municipal governments in reducing inequality via poverty-reduction transfers, suggesting that alternative targeting regimes may complement current practice in aiding the poor.

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Este estudo aborda participação da sociedade na gestão pública local, através do entendimento do funcionamento dos Conselhos Municipais, concebidos como espaços privilegiados para prática da democracia cidadã. Investigação interpretativa de caráter qualitativo, os conhecimentos construídos são marcados pela subjetividade pela interatividade em vários níveis: do pesquisador/cidadão com campo empírico com outros sujeitos envolvidos no processo, do pesquisador/cidadão com os autores que discutem este assunto do pesquisa dor/cidadão consigo mesmo. Permeado pela interdiscursividade, tematiza os conhecimentos teóricos respeito de participação, cidadania, democracia, descentralização, sociedade civil conselhos gestores de políticas públicas, ressignificando conceitos necessários ao processo participativo interativo entre sociedade civil Estado, articulando práticas e discursos em contextos históricos, políticos, culturais econômicos. Com estes pressupostos, busca conhecer, analisar evidenciar entendimentos intencionalidades formas de agir/gerenciar praticadas pelos Conselhos Municipais na fornulação, implementação avaliação das políticas públicas suas relações com gestão pública local, no período de 1989-2000, no município gaúcho de Ijuí. Mapeando variáveis, estabelece tipologias classificatórias nas quais enquadra os conselhos de Ijuí e, analisando/interpretando documentos, normas entrevistas narrativas, aborda as diversas características dos mesmos. experiência dos conselhos em Ijuí mostra que envolvimento da população, seja diretamente (como nas assembléias dos conselhos distritais) seja através de representantes das principais entidades da sociedade civil, além de garantir um caráter mais democrático gestão pública, possui potencial para interferir no modus operandi da máquina pública dos governos municipais. Aponta também para necessidade de ampliar espaços de participação informais, não institucionalizados, autônomos, abertos à participação de todos os cidadãos, constituindo-se cm processo educativo para construção de espaços potencializadores da cidadania interativa.

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Esta dissertação discute a questão da participação popular em políticas públicas tendo como base a análise do caso da Agenda 21 local em Barueri. Parte- se da revisão teórica sobre a participação, desde a emergência do tema entre os movimentos sociais na Europa, até a chegada da discussão ao Brasil. A partir desta revisão são tratados aspectos teóricos do clientelismo político, visando contrapor a prática política existente e legitimada com os dilemas da implantação de ações participativas. A investigação foi realizada sob a perspectiva de campo-tema, sendo construída a partir da leitura de narrativas. O que se observa é uma dificuldade em promover mudanças no formato de condução das políticas em Barueri oriunda da incapacidade do governo em mobilizar a população e demonstrar a importância e confiabilidade de práticas participativas. Este trabalho busca demonstrar quais foram as falhas e dilemas deste processo e propõe formas de se avaliar e discutir a implantação da participação popular como nova prática política.

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Local provision of public services has the positive effect of increasing the efficiency because each locality has its idiosyncrasies that determine a particular demand for public services. This dissertation addresses different aspects of the local demand for public goods and services and their relationship with political incentives. The text is divided in three essays. The first essay aims to test the existence of yardstick competition in education spending using panel data from Brazilian municipalities. The essay estimates two-regime spatial Durbin models with time and spatial fixed effects using maximum likelihood, where the regimes represent different electoral and educational accountability institutional settings. First, it is investigated whether the lame duck incumbents tend to engage in less strategic interaction as a result of the impossibility of reelection, which lowers the incentives for them to signal their type (good or bad) to the voters by mimicking their neighbors’ expenditures. Additionally, it is evaluated whether the lack of electorate support faced by the minority governments causes the incumbents to mimic the neighbors’ spending to a greater extent to increase their odds of reelection. Next, the essay estimates the effects of the institutional change introduced by the disclosure on April 2007 of the Basic Education Development Index (known as IDEB) and its goals on the strategic interaction at the municipality level. This institutional change potentially increased the incentives for incumbents to follow the national best practices in an attempt to signal their type to voters, thus reducing the importance of local information spillover. The same model is also tested using school inputs that are believed to improve students’ performance in place of education spending. The results show evidence for yardstick competition in education spending. Spatial auto-correlation is lower among the lame ducks and higher among the incumbents with minority support (a smaller vote margin). In addition, the institutional change introduced by the IDEB reduced the spatial interaction in education spending and input-setting, thus diminishing the importance of local information spillover. The second essay investigates the role played by the geographic distance between the poor and non-poor in the local demand for income redistribution. In particular, the study provides an empirical test of the geographically limited altruism model proposed in Pauly (1973), incorporating the possibility of participation costs associated with the provision of transfers (Van de Wale, 1998). First, the discussion is motivated by allowing for an “iceberg cost” of participation in the programs for the poor individuals in Pauly’s original model. Next, using data from the 2000 Brazilian Census and a panel of municipalities based on the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) from 2001 to 2007, all the distance-related explanatory variables indicate that an increased proximity between poor and non-poor is associated with better targeting of the programs (demand for redistribution). For instance, a 1-hour increase in the time spent commuting by the poor reduces the targeting by 3.158 percentage points. This result is similar to that of Ashworth, Heyndels and Smolders (2002) but is definitely not due to the program leakages. To empirically disentangle participation costs and spatially restricted altruism effects, an additional test is conducted using unique panel data based on the 2004 and 2006 PNAD, which assess the number of benefits and the average benefit value received by beneficiaries. The estimates suggest that both cost and altruism play important roles in targeting determination in Brazil, and thus, in the determination of the demand for redistribution. Lastly, the results indicate that ‘size matters’; i.e., the budget for redistribution has a positive impact on targeting. The third essay aims to empirically test the validity of the median voter model for the Brazilian case. Information on municipalities are obtained from the Population Census and the Brazilian Supreme Electoral Court for the year 2000. First, the median voter demand for local public services is estimated. The bundles of services offered by reelection candidates are identified as the expenditures realized during incumbents’ first term in office. The assumption of perfect information of candidates concerning the median demand is relaxed and a weaker hypothesis, of rational expectation, is imposed. Thus, incumbents make mistakes about the median demand that are referred to as misperception errors. Thus, at a given point in time, incumbents can provide a bundle (given by the amount of expenditures per capita) that differs from median voter’s demand for public services by a multiplicative error term, which is included in the residuals of the demand equation. Next, it is estimated the impact of the module of this misperception error on the electoral performance of incumbents using a selection models. The result suggests that the median voter model is valid for the case of Brazilian municipalities.

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Includes bibliography

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O estudo trata da experiência da Casa Familiar Rural do município de Gurupá, situado na mesorregião do Marajó no Estado do Pará. Discute a relação da Educação do campo, Poder Local e políticas Públicas no contexto local, enfatizando a concepção de organização Pública Não Estatal na oferta da educação do campo e da relação entre Sociedade Civil e Estado. Seu objetivo principal foi analisar as especificidades da experiência da referida Casa e suas contribuições para as políticas públicas locais bem como na constituição do poder local. O enfoque desta pesquisa foi classificado como Qualitativo, sendo o principal instrumento de coleta de dados a entrevista semi-estruturada aplicada a oito sujeitos. Além das entrevistas foram utilizados documentos e visita local. As questões que conduziram a análise dos dados foram: o que é a CFR e qual seu projeto educativo para o campesinato gurupaense? Como se estabelecem as relações entre a Casa Familiar Rural e os atores acima citados? Que políticas públicas estão sendo alcançadas em benefício da comunidade camponesa a partir dessa configuração de poder local? O que isso contribui com o âmbito local e para o fortalecimento de um projeto de desenvolvimento educacional e econômico do campo? Com base na análise das informações, o estudo demonstrou que a Casa Familiar Rural de Gurupá, a partir de sua participação efetiva nos espaços públicos e na composição de parcerias com governos, com organizações não-governamentais (Ong’s) e com a sociedade civil, vem influenciando, propondo e executando políticas públicas neste município, constituindo-se como importante agente na constituição do Poder Local. A pesquisa demonstrou que a Casa tem se consolidado como uma importante referência na educação do campo no município de Gurupá.