Entre el antiguo y el nuevo régimen: el triunfo de los cuerpos intermedios. El caso de la Audiencia de Quito, 1765-1830 (Estudios)

Este ensayo se ocupa de investigar la importancia política que tuvo el cabildo entre el período de las reformas borbónicas, la crisis de la monarquía española y el proceso de formación de los estados independientes. Se analiza la consolidación de los poderes jurisdiccionales de los cabildos durante la última fase de la época colonial y la manera en que éstos se convirtieron en representantes legítimos de todos los intereses de su espacio territorial. El caso de la Audiencia de Quito muestra cómo el cabildo o municipio resistió con éxito los intentos de convertirlos en entes puramente administrativos por parte del aparato estatal grancolombiano. El municipio se mantuvo como órgano autónomo de la sociedad frente al Estado y titular de una parte de la soberanía.

Descalzos, cocolos y niñas de la caridad en Cuenca: cambios y continuidades en el régimen escolar, 1930-1945 (Estudios)

El artículo muestra cómo los postulados de libertad e igualdad, propuestos por el Estado nacional, fueron asimilados por las escuelas religiosas de la ciudad de Cuenca, en Ecuador. A través del análisis de dos fuentes: la literatura y los testimonios orales de quienes fueron alumnos de estas escuelas entre 1928 y 1946, el estudio muestra cómo en esta ciudad el liberalismo no fue percibido como obstáculo para que los niños pobres opten por la educación religiosa. En este contexto, la propuesta liberal chocó con los valores del antiguo régimen escolar. Si bien se mantenían las diversas prácticas de discrimen de una sociedad local estratificada, al mismo tiempo se observa que también se introdujeron cambios especialmente en la educación de las mujeres de origen popular.

Ciudadanía social y cultural: perspectiva histórica y retos del aprendizaje ciudadano en el siglo XXI (Estudios)

El artículo ofrece una reflexión sobre la génesis histórica de la ciudadanía en el contexto de la modernidad; señala los nexos con la constitución de los estados nacionales, y el lugar que tuvo la educación en la creación de comunidades políticas conformadas por ciudadanos libres. El estudio destaca, en primer lugar, las profundas modificaciones que ha sufrido la ciudadanía a lo largo del siglo XX y, en segundo lugar, la necesidad de que la historiografía de la educación incorpore otros enfoques analíticos además de la teoría liberal, que ha ejercido una amplia influencia. Esta renovación analítica contribuirá con herramientas teóricas y metodológicas que permitan reelaborar la categoría de ciudadanía, para comprender mejor los procesos históricos de los últimos siglos, así como las expectativas planteadas a comienzos del siglo XXI.

La nueva agenda internacional del Ecuador (Tema Central)

Este artículo plantea que, para poder actualizar la agenda internacional del Ecuador, se torna necesario considerar los cambios drásticos experimentados en las relaciones internacionales durante la última década. De manera particular, se debe contemplar que la caída del Muro de Berlín significó la imposición rigurosa del liberalismo económico y, a su vez, que los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001 implican la imposición de una ideología guiada por la lucha antiterrorista. Todo esto influye en labor de la Cancillería con relación a la cooperación internacional, organismos bilaterales y multilaterales. Finalmente, se definen temas prioritarios tales como el fortalecimiento a la democracia, seguridad, la lucha contra la corrupción, la migración, Derechos Humanos, medio ambiente, terrorismo y narcotráfico.

Bocetos de una gramática liberal: de la glorificación del trabajo agrícola a la consagración simbólica de los Andes (Estudios)

El presente artículo se enfoca en las contradicciones del proyecto nacional ecuatoriano de principios del siglo XX en cuanto pretende subsanar identidades en conflicto dentro de las nuevas configuraciones sociales y espaciales. Para ello se examina la forma en la que Luis A. Martínez reconoce la ambivalencia de la modernidad al punto de confeccionar sus obras como alegorías de fallidas comunidades imaginadas. Tanto sus catecismos de agricultura como su novela A la costa (1905), además de contribuir a los debates intelectuales de la época sobre la participación del país en el moderno sistema-mundo capitalista, testimonian las contradicciones existentes dentro del liberalismo como ideología hegemónica. De ahí que los textos arriba mencionados sean considerados como bisagras que vislumbran lo nacional en lo liminar aunque todavía sin subvertir los desencuentros entre la clase dominante y la subalterna.

Re-engineering construction: going against the grain

An overtly critical perspective on 're-engineering construction' is presented. It is contended that re-engineering is impossible to define in terms of its substantive content and is best understood as a rhetorical label. In recent years, the language of re-engineering has heavily shaped the construction research agenda. The declared goals are to lower costs and improve value for the customer. The discourse is persuasive because it reflects the ideology of the 'enterprise culture' and the associated rhetoric of customer responsiveness. Re-engineering is especially attractive to the construction industry because it reflects and reinforces the existing dominant way of thinking. The overriding tendency is to reduce organizational complexities to a mechanistic quest for efficiency. Labour is treated as a commodity. Within this context, the objectives of re-engineering become 'common sense'. Knowledge becomes subordinate to the dominant ideology of neo-liberalism. The accepted research agenda for re-engineering construction exacerbates the industry's problems and directly contributes to the casualization of the workforce. The continued adherence to machine metaphors by the construction industry's top management has directly contributed to the 'bad attitudes' and 'adversarial culture' that they repeatedly decry. Supposedly neutral topics such as pre-assembly, partnering, supply chain management and lean thinking serve only to justify the shift towards bogus labour-only subcontracting and the associated reduction of employment rights. The continued casualization of the workforce raises real questions about the industry's future capacity to deliver high-quality construction. In order to appear 'relevant' to the needs of industry, it seems that the research community is doomed to perpetuate this regressive cycle.

In the intersection of the angles of a table, there is more truth than in all the tangle of muscles: Futurism as anti-humanist critique

The recent celebrations of the centenary of the publication of the Futurist manifesto led to a renewed discussion of the ideas and artworks of the Italian artists’ group. Jacques Rancière related the Futurist ethos with the modernist project of liberating art from representation. Franco ‘Bifo’ Berardi, in his post-Futurist manifesto, also identified a historical irony at play in the emptying out of Futurism’s promise: a liberated mechanical humanity did indeed materialize, in a global economic system premised on financial servitude to the future via debt. However, these models continue to assess Futurism against an unchallenged humanism, finding it either supporting ideals of freedom and human rights despite itself, or else lacking in these areas. But Futurism is potentially more relevant than ever not in spite of its anti-humanist agenda, precisely because of it. Tom McCarthy annexes not Futurist art but Futurist writing to an emerging object oriented ontology that seeks to challenge the primacy of the human. If Futurism is to be repurposed as a critical concept, it can only do so by countering the humanist myth the liberal subject that underlies the current cultural and political hegemony of neo-liberalism.

The Institute of Psychoplasmics

ABSTRACT: The Institute of Psychoplasmics is a group exhibition dealing with cults, rituals and the metaphor of the body politic. A key interest of the project is the way in which cultic groupings challenge the integrity of the social body by producing another within it. The exhibition, book and events explore parallels between the operations of new religious movements in the context of neo-liberalism and the forms of collectivity posited by contemporary art. These issues were addressed through a gallery display, academic essays, discussion, adult and children focused workshops and live performance event. The exhibition design, which considered the gallery as a research institute, itself investigated strategies of collaboration and psycho-social manipulation. The show was curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv and commissioned by the Pump House Gallery in London and supported by Outset, Arts Council England and the Henry Moore Foundation. The exhibition included work by a.a.s., Insectoid, Diann Bauer, Amanda Beech, Mikko Canini, Seth Coston, Rod Dickinson, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Tai Shani, Francis Upritchard and Roman Vasseur. A publication edited by the curators, features writing by Suhail Malik, Amanda Beech, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Gilad Elbom, Tom McCarthy, Emily McMehen and Travis Jeppesen.

Radical Conservatism

In 1938, Yugoslav sculptor Oscar Nemon arrived in Britain, having fled the Nazi invasion of Brussels, where he was living with Magritte. He was part of the European avant-garde that came to the UK as a refugee. Shortly thereafter, Nemon proposed a bold architectural plan to construct a temple of universal ethics in London and was in correspondence over this with central figures in Britain. After the war, he became know for his portrayal of figures like Churchil, culminating in a bust of Margaret Thatcher that is currently at the Tory HQ. Shown at Castlefield Gallery in 2013-2014, Radical Conservatism was an exhibition that explored the space between these two moments and asked whether these two terms are really antithetical. In the British context in particular, where the European avant-garde never really took hold, a kind of reactionary modernism has always defined a culture wary of revolution. But today more than ever, with the left increasingly holding on to the past of the welfare state as an ideal, and the right quietly revolutionising our world through neoliberal reforms, the paradigms of radicalism and conservatism need to be redefined. Can conservatism be seen as a radical position in itself? If art is defined by a movement towards the new - could 'holding on to the past' stubbornly be seen as a critical position, now that neo-liberalism has forced a far more radical shift in politics than the left has managed in a long time? Curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv, featuring work by Chris Evans, IRWIN, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Joseph Lewis, Patrick Moran, Oscar Nemon and Public Movement and a symposium with contributions from Professor Alun Rowlands and Robert Garnett.

Towards (more) integrity in academia: transcending neo-liberal assumption of research and knowledge creation and the “rules” supressing academic freedom

European researchers across heterogeneous disciplines voice concerns and argue for new paths towards a brighter future regarding scientific and knowledge creation and communication. Recently, in biological and natural sciences concerns have been expressed that major threats are intentionally ignored. These threats are challenging Europe’s future sustainability towards creating knowledge that effectively deals with emerging social, environmental, health, and economic problems of a planetary scope. Within social science circles however, the root cause regarding the above challenges, have been linked with macro level forces of neo-liberal ways of valuing and relevant rules in academia and beyond which we take for granted. These concerns raised by heterogeneous scholars in natural and the applied social sciences concern the ethics of today’s research and academic integrity. Applying Bourdieu’s sociology may not allow an optimistic lens if change is possible. Rather than attributing the replication of neo-liberal habitus in intentional agent and institutional choices, Bourdieu’s work raises the importance of thoughtlessly internalised habits in human and social action. Accordingly, most action within a given paradigm (in this case, neo-liberalism) is understood as habituated, i.e. unconsciously reproducing external social fields, even ill-defined ways of valuing. This essay analyses these and how they may help critically analyse the current habitus surrounding research and knowledge production, evaluation, and communication and related aspects of academic freedom. Although it is acknowledged that transformation is not easy, the essay presents arguments and recent theory paths to suggest that change nevertheless may be a realistic hope once certain action logics are encouraged.

La mefiance de son propre gouvernement dans le cinema du « monde libre »

The tradition of criticizing one's own government which in the Western (mainly English-speaking) Liberal Democracies goes back at least to the 14th century founds its expression also in American and British Cold War films. Several reflect the suspicion that the Cold War was in some way aggravated by the USA and the UK in order to serve particular interests of the government or arms industries. Such films, often based on novels, include "1984", "Fahrenheit 451", "The Three Days of the Condor", "The Quiet American", and most recently, "V for Vendetta", as well as many anti-war films. Paradoxically, it is a sign of Western liberalism that these films have been made and mostly received a wide distribution.

The neoliberal way of war: a critical analysis of contemporary British security in policy and practice.

Dominant paradigms of causal explanation for why and how Western liberal-democracies go to war in the post-Cold War era remain versions of the 'liberal peace' or 'democratic peace' thesis. Yet such explanations have been shown to rest upon deeply problematic epistemological and methodological assumptions. Of equal importance, however, is the failure of these dominant paradigms to account for the 'neoliberal revolution' that has gripped Western liberal-democracies since the 1970s. The transition from liberalism to neoliberalism remains neglected in analyses of the contemporary Western security constellation. Arguing that neoliberalism can be understood simultaneously through the Marxian concept of ideology and the Foucauldian concept of governmentality – that is, as a complementary set of 'ways of seeing' and 'ways of being' – the thesis goes on to analyse British security in policy and practice, considering it as an instantiation of a wider neoliberal way of war. In so doing, the thesis draws upon, but also challenges and develops, established critical discourse analytic methods, incorporating within its purview not only the textual data that is usually considered by discourse analysts, but also material practices of security. This analysis finds that contemporary British security policy is predicated on a neoliberal social ontology, morphology and morality – an ideology or 'way of seeing' – focused on the notion of a globalised 'network-market', and is aimed at rendering circulations through this network-market amenable to neoliberal techniques of government. It is further argued that security practices shaped by this ideology imperfectly and unevenly achieve the realisation of neoliberal 'ways of being' – especially modes of governing self and other or the 'conduct of conduct' – and the re-articulation of subjectivities in line with neoliberal principles of individualism, risk, responsibility and flexibility. The policy and practice of contemporary British 'security' is thus recontextualised as a component of a broader 'neoliberal way of war'.

The role of Planning Aid England in supporting communities’ engagement in planning

In considering the position of community engagement within planning in a time of neo-liberalism and a context of ‘neo-communitarian localism’ (cf. Jessop, 2002; DeFilippis, 2004), this paper reviews the role and relevance of Planning Aid in terms of its performance and aspirations in guiding and transforming planning practice (Friedmann, 1973; 1987; 2011) since its inception in 1973. In doing this we reflect on the critiques of Planning Aid performance provided by Allmendinger (2004) and bring the account up-to-date following on from past considerations (e.g. Bidwell and Edgar, 1982; Thomas, 1992; Brownill and Carpenter, 2007a,b; Carpenter and Brownill, 2008) and prompted by the 35 years since the University of Reading produced the first published work reviewing Planning Aid (Curtis and Edwards, 1980). Our paper is timely given renewed attacks on planning, the implementation of a form of localism and reductions in funding for planning in a time of austerity. Our view is that the need for forms of ‘neo-advocacy’ planning and community development are perhaps even more necessary now, given the continuing under-representation of lower income groups, minority groups and to allow for the expression of alternative planning futures. Thus further consideration of how to ensure that Planning Aid functions are sustained and understood requires the attention of policymakers and the planning profession more widely.

Planning in the face of ‘deep divisions’: a view from Beirut, Lebanon

This article discusses planning in the global South-East while focusing on the specific context of social divides, political turmoil and conflict situations. The article proposes a five-way framework based on political science and planning to theory to analyse such contexts. The article explores the case of Beirut, Lebanon that has undergone several episodes of internal and external conflicts resulting in a society splintered along sectarianism. Three Two case studies of open urban spaces and their public activities are analysed using the five-way framework The discussion indicates how economic liberalism that is prevalent in countries of the South-East, along with place-based identities, interest-based identities, consensus orientated processes and institutionalism might facilitate a cultivation of deep values away from a narrowly constructed identity. The article argues that planners should understand the options for positive action that aim to bridge deep divisions and suggests that the five-way framework provides a reference for contextualising in different ways to suit particular contexts. Therefore, the framework is not necessarily restricted to the South-East but could be applicable to any context which manifests deep divisions.

Minority rights with Chinese characteristics

The growing influence of liberalism in China has made it important to determine the response of traditional Chinese political thought to Western liberal ideas of multicultural citizenship, and the impact of the Western liberal model of minority rights on China’s ethnic minority policy. This chapter begins by discussing the basic characteristics of the Confucian approach to minority questions and minority rights. It examines the influence of Marxism on minority rights, in general, and on Chinese practice, in particular. It then discusses China’s policies on ethic minorities, and compares current Chinese practices with the Western liberal model of minority rights.