308 resultados para Kilborne manifesto


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WHEN MEDIA ARE NEW: UNDERSTANDING THE DYNAMICS OF NEW MEDIA ADOPTION AND USE, JOHN CAREY AND MARTIN C. J. ELTON (2010) Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press (374 pp.), ISBN 978-0-472-05085-7, $47.50 (paperback). YOU ARE NOT A GADGET: A MANIFESTO, JARON LANIER (2011) New York: Vintage (240 pp.), ISBN 978-0307389978, $15 (paperback) EXTRAORDINARY CANADIANS: MARSHALL McLUHAN, DOUGLAS COUPLAND (2010) Toronto, Canada: Penguin Canada (208 pp.), ISBN 9780670069224, $26 (hardback)

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THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that the esperpentos by the Spanish playwright Ramón del Valle-Inclán (1866–1936), represent a culminating moment of theatrical precepts of modern European drama, while perpetuating the ancient esoteric traditions of the Iberian Peninsula. Focusing on four plays—Los cuernos de Don Friolera (1920), Luces de Bohemia (1921), Las galas del difunto (1926) y La hija del Capitán (1927)—the research elucidates how this interpretation furthers understanding of the process that embraces the anti-realistic clamours during the initial decades of the XX century, up to the subsequent climax of the aesthetics of Cruelty, Absurdity, Simulation, and Menace. ^ In search for an ideal scenic language capable of reflecting the grotesque character and mystical essence of the esperpentos, this project examines the most significant works of philosophers from the hermetic tradition such as Plato, Pithagoras, Aquinas, and Flamel. Other important authors are Éliphas Lévy and H. P. Blavatsky, two personalities of great preponderance in the spiritual effervescence and occultist apotheosis at the turn of the 20th century. Finally, the mystical ideas of Spanish philosopher Roso de Luna and the psychological works on alchemy and magic by Jung find their conceptual correspondence in Valle-Inclán's aesthetic manifesto, La lámpara maravillosa. ^ The ultimate objective of this dissertation is to provide a proposal for a mise en scène of the esperpentos, aesthetically based on the simultaneous scenarios of the New Stagecraft and conceptually inspired by the mystical principles of the hermetic tradition. The comparative approach of this study establishes a dialogue between modernity and the esoteric tradition that results in a new Koncept for their representation, providing a simultaneous scenario, far from realistic theatre, and more coherent to house the magical substance of the esperpentos. ^

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The conflict of borderlines unfolds itself as a natural path in history of human thought. It becomes clear only through an explicit cultural clash, which conveys distinct conceptual formatting. Thinking this conflict might enlighten the bindings responsible for development of contemporary way of thought. This thesis intent to analyse, in a first moment, the history of thought as Metaphysics, presenting a diagnostic towards the way through which the West impinges its categorical logic. Thereafter, presents the tradition of Negativity, showing a thinking beyond Classic Ontology through a Henology and a Meontology in Neoplatonism and Medieval Mysticism. At the end, exposes the Far Eastern thought as possibility of contemporary reception of Negativity and escape from the Westernizer formatting of contemporary philosophy

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This dissertation argues that the book as we know it will not cease to be. It is somehow a manifesto praising the artifact of words in the scope of literature and scientific culture. The present work chooses Umberto Eco and Jean-Claude-Càrriere‟s book Não contem com o fim do livro (2010) as cognitive operator. It presents a brief overview of the evolution of the informational supports and narrates a history of the book as constructed by complex bases; it also highlights the permanent and current state of the book having in mind the concept of contemporary as proposed by the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, as opposed by the ephemeral character of the technological informational supports; moreover, it elects the book as a tool for the learning of Science and Culture, as a school for life, as put by Edgar Morin when referring to the Romance genre, in some of his works regarding Education; it presents as supporting evidence, two interviews with book-lover scholars from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte. Science thinkers like Edgar Morin, Maria da Conceição de Almeida, Ilya Prigogine, Giorgio Agamben, Pierre Levy, Umberto Eco, Roger Chartier, among others are used as sources of theoretical references. The dissertation places itself in the interface between Literature, Complexity and Education.

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The TRB-sponsored International Paratransit Conference, “Shaping the New Future of Paratransit”, held in Monterey, CA in the United States (US) in October 2014 represented the first coming together of the international paratransit community in conference format since 1997. The conference itself drew a worldwide attendance from a cross-section of operators, technology providers, policymakers and researchers. The presentations from the conference were organised around a number of themes which, when brought together, represented a substantial manifesto for the flexible and demand responsive transport community. This paper looks at a number of these themes with an analysis to highlight the key points and common strands of worldwide experience.

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En las últimas décadas el auge de diversos grupos insurgentes de ideología salafista es uno de los fenómenos más relevantes en la esfera internacional. El terrorismo yihadista se ha convertido en la principal amenaza a la seguridad y la paz mundial. Sin embargo, si hasta hace dos años Al Qaeda era el grupo terrorista más violento que amenazaba los cimientos de la seguridad y la democracia, actualmente es Estado Islámico la organización que ha adquirido un protagonismo siniestro y sin precedentes. La aparición y consolidación de Estado Islámico no puede explicarse sin prestar atención a la evolución que ha sufrido Al-Qaeda, desde sus orígenes a finales de la década de los ochenta. Estado Islámico ha sabido aprovechar los cambios de la globalización y por ello, consiguir objetivos que nunca antes una organización terrorista había logrado. Estado Islámico, nuevo actor en la Sociedad Internacional, pretende expandirse y establecerse como un ‘imperio’ yihadista, por ello, aprovecha los territorios ocupados para construir estructuras propias de un Estado. Persigue objetivos diversos, entre ellos establecer un estado teocrático armado, en el que la violencia extrema sea signo de identidad propio, ya que trata de imponer mediante las armas una islamización del orden social. Los esfuerzos de la organización dirigidos al cumplimiento de sus objetivos, han provocado que actualmente se den fenómenos novedosos que conviene detenerse a analizar. En concreto, el incremento sin precedentes en el número de extranjeros movilizados para combatir hacia los territorios que se han convertido en núcleo de operaciones de Estado Islámico, ya que pone de manifesto el éxito de la organización en suelo foráneo, sobre todo en Estados árabes. Estado Islámico, no solo es capaz de movilizar a hombres de múltiples países, sino que ha demostrado tener un proyecto para las mujeres, por lo que cada vez son más las personas que se ven inmersas en los procesos de captación y reclutamiento que lleva a cabo la organización a través de la red y otros medios. Estado Islámico publicita su ambición empleando propaganda política, sirviéndose de las nuevas tecnologías y las oportunidades que brinda la sociedad en red. Los mensajes de Estado Islámico tienen dos tipos de audiencia, la población musulmana de Oriente Medio y potenciales prosélitos de territorios occidentales.

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Despite the involvement of radical socialists like James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army in the 1916 Rising and the unanimous passing of the Democratic Programme (a socialist manifesto for the new Government) by the First Dáil in 1919, the Irish state has since its inception exhibited a highly conservative approach to social and economic policy, and politics generally in Ireland, North or South, have never faced a serious challenge from those seeking radical change. Several factors have played a part in this and this article focuses on one of these - the power and conservatism of the Catholic Church and its influence in shaping the political landscape. Despite a decline in recent years, the Church remains influential north and south of the Border in education provision, the current debates in relation to abortion and in culturally important aspects of life - baptism, communion and burial. In the past the Church’s political influence among Ireland’s majority Catholic community had been even more pronounced. The article begins by looking at the Church’s attitude to revolutionary change in Ireland historically before focusing on its influence in the North during the Stormont years and during the more recent ‘Troubles’ – 1969 - 98. It shows how the Church attempted to influence political thought and discourse in Ireland when it was at the height of its power. Whilst it is true that the Church was not a monolith, and there have always been individual priests who have adopted a more radical approach, the general thrust of the Church was conservative, attempting to ally itself with the power elites of the day where possible. It is this influence which appears to have stood the test of time despite attempts in past generations to radicalise the Irish population.

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This paper will be based on my continuing research on planning and housing development in London. It will focus on the proposals in the Government’s Housing and Planning Bill, which are likely to be enacted in Spring 2016. It will review the evidence of potential spatial impacts in terms of the supply of existing affordable homes and the location and affordability of new supply. This will be related to a review of the alternative development options for London’s growth in the context of the Mayor of London’s draft 2050 Infrastructure Plan. The paper will analyse the potential impact of new Government policy and legislation on whether London’s housing requirements can be delivered in accordance with the objectives of sustainable planning and social justice, and will also consider the constraints on the ability of the new Mayor of London, to be elected in May 2016 to achieve manifesto commitments.

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Social media is changing the way we interact, present ideas and information and judge the quality of content and contributions. In recent years there have been hundreds of platforms to freely share all kinds of information and connect across networks. These new tools generate activity statistics and interactions among users such as mentions, retweets, conversations, comments on blogs or Facebook; managers references showing popularity ratings of more references shared by other researchers or repositories that generate statistics of visits or downloads of articles. This paper analyzes that have meaning and implications altmetrics, what are its advantages and critical platforms (Almetric.com, ImpactStory, Plos altmetrics, PlumX), reports progress and benefits for authors, publishers and librarians. It concluded that the value of alternative metrics as a complementary tool citation analysis is evident, although it is suggested that you should dig deeper into this issue to unravel the meaning and the potential value of these indicators to assess their potential.

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Este artículo versa sobre el papel de la Unión Europea (UE) en las elecciones generales en España. Emplea los siguientes materiales: la base de datos del Manifesto Project, los programas de los partidos que obtuvieron representación en los comicios de 2011, así como, también para 2011, la transcripción del único debate televisado y las cuentas en la red social twitter de los candidatos a la Presidencia del Gobierno del Partido Popular y del Partido Socialista. La metodología empleada es el análisis de contenido. Los datos confirman las expectativas derivadas de la teoría de la importancia (saliency theory). Los partidos españoles han desenfatizado los asuntos de la UE, incluso en 2011, cuando medidas impulsadas por el gobierno anterior, incluida una reforma constitucional, fruto de decisiones adoptadas a escala europea, motivaron la convocatoria anticipada de elecciones. La evolución del énfasis y posición sobre la UE de los partidos españoles contrasta con los cambios observados en estas variables en otros Estados miembros como Francia o Italia. Los hallazgos de esta investigación tienen implicaciones desde el punto de vista de la legitimidad democrática de la UE en España.

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The concept of ontological security has a remarkable echo in the current sociology to describe emotional status of men of late modernity. However, the concept created by Giddens in the eighties has been little used in empirical research covering various sources of risk or uncertainty. In this paper, a scale for ontological security is proposed. To do this, we start from the results of a research focused on the relationship between risk, uncertainty and vulnerability in the context of the economic crisis in Spain. These results were produced through nine focus groups and a telephone survey with standardized questionnaire applied to a national sample of 2,408 individuals over 18 years. This work is divided into three main sections. In the fi rst, a scale has been built from the results of the application of different items present in the questionnaire used. The second part explores the relationships of the scale obtained with the variables further approximate the emotional dimensions of individuals. The third part observes the variables that contribute to changes in the scale: These variables show the structural feature of the ontological security.

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Este artículo evita la mera disquisición teórica sobre museología crítica, sugiriendo en lugar de ello algunas pistas para calibrar su influencia en la praxis museal. Ante todo, se propone como emblemático de la museografía crítica el uso de interrogaciones en lugar de discursos asertivos; en segundo lugar, la sustitución de la impersonal autoridad institucional por prácticas participativas e interpretaciones compartidas, para dar idea de una variedad de opiniones, incluyendo las de gentes ajenas al museo; finalmente, es un rasgo distintivo el énfasis en la naturaleza subjetiva de los montajes museísticos, mostrando sus cambios a través de la historia, y señalando la autoría personal de las presentaciones y textos en el museo.

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El ensayo examina la cuestión de la aplicación de las reglas y de la capacidad real para tratar casos específicos, llegando a la conclusión de que es la excepción la que confirma la regla, a condición de que sea dialógicamente construida, para que sea interpretable y aplicable por parte de sus numerosos destinatarios en las políticas públicas más complejas y conflictuales, sobre todo a nivel local.

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Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing.