870 resultados para Fugitives from justice
Resumo:
Dans une société mondialisée, où les relations sont intégrées à une vitesse différente avec l'utilisation des technologies de l'information et des communications, l'accès à la justice gagne de nouveaux concepts, mais elle est encore confrontée à de vieux obstacles. La crise mondiale de l'accès à la justice dans le système judiciaire provoque des débats concernant l'égalité en vertu de la loi, la capacité des individus, la connaissance des droits, l'aide juridique, les coûts et les délais. Les deux derniers ont été les facteurs les plus importants du mécontentement des individus avec le système judiciaire. La présente étude a pour objet d'analyser l'incidence de l'utilisation de la technologie dans l’appareil judiciaire, avec l'accent sur la réalité brésilienne, la voie législative et des expériences antérieures dans le développement de logiciels de cyberjustice. La mise en œuvre de ces instruments innovants exige des investissements et de la planification, avec une attention particulière sur l'incidence qu'ils peuvent avoir sur les routines traditionnelles des tribunaux. De nouveaux défis sont sur la voie de ce processus de transformation et doivent être traités avec professionnalisme afin d'éviter l'échec de projets de qualité. En outre, si la technologie peut faire partie des différents aspects de notre quotidien et l'utilisation de modes alternatifs de résolution des conflits en ligne sont considérés comme un succès, pourquoi serait-il difficile de faire ce changement dans la prestation de la justice par le système judiciaire? Des solutions technologiques adoptées dans d'autres pays ne sont pas facilement transférables à un environnement culturel différent, mais il y a toujours la possibilité d'apprendre des expériences des autres et d’éviter de mauvaises voies qui pourraient compromettre la définition globale de l'accès à la justice.
Resumo:
The concept of global justice has been developed to stress the worldwide implications of moral problems. Not much, however, has been written about the actual politics of global justice. This article focuses on public opinion and argues that attitudes about international redistribution are not a simple projection of attitudes about the domestic situation. In countries where domestic income redistribution is seen as an important priority, foreign aid is less popular; where this is less so, there is more concern for the fate of the poor in the South. Far from reflecting a lack of coherence in public opinion, these counterintuitive results need to be understood in connection with policy achievements in donor countries. The authors' empirical findings suggest that although the commitment to redistribute is stronger at the national level, relationships of solidarity do not stop at national boundaries. The achievement of justice at home in fact sustains justice abroad.
Resumo:
The emerging U.S. approach linking free trade to domestic labor protections is a practical framework on which to base substantive and procedural rights. Nevertheless, much more can be done in future agreements to improve these safeguards for workers in a way that will maximize the gains from trade and reduce the most harmful effects of development. In order to improve future agreements, the U.S. should expand access to consultations within the dispute resolution mechanism, focus complaints on core rights such as organization and bargaining, encourage the development of small independent unions in corporatist cultures, and incorporate the ILO into the dispute settlement process. Finally, the civil law systems of Central America and the Anglo-American common law system may have fundamentally different understandings of the rule of law. This difference in understanding may pose a significant disadvantage for developing or civil law systems entering treaties with the U.S., and should be better understood by both sides in order to maintain the credibility of the law and the effectiveness of the treaty.
Resumo:
From the introduction: Mexico is in a state of siege. In recent years, organized crime and drug-related violence have escalated dramatically, taking innocent lives and leaving the country mired in bloodshed. The Mexican government, under the leadership of President Felipe Calderón, has responded in part by significantly extending the reach of its security operations, deploying thousands of federal police officers and military troops to combat the activities of drug cartels, and collaborating with the United States on an extensive regional security plan known as the Mérida Initiative. In the midst of the security crisis, however, the government has somewhat paradoxically adopted judicial reforms that protect human rights and civil liberties rather than erode them, specifically the presumption of innocence standard in criminal proceedings and the implementation of oral trials. Assuming that the new laws on the books will be applied in practice, these reforms represent an important commitment on the part of the government to uphold human rights and civil liberties. This is in stark contrast to the infamous judicial reforms in Colombia—the institutionalization of anonymous or “faceless” prosecutions in special courts—implemented after a surge in leftist and cartel brutality, and the murders of several prominent public and judicial officials in the 1980s.
Resumo:
The Constitution of India. which has been described by an eminent writer as a "Corner stone of a nation". Has bestowed sufficient thought on the underprivileged. A number of provisions incorporated in it for their benefit tell the tale of statesmanship of the framers of the Constitution. for the vitality of a Constitution depends on the extent to which it affords protection to the under—priveleged. One such laudable provision in the Constitution relates to "weaker sections of the people", which has directed the State to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of such people. Besides. the Constitution has laid great stress on social justice. No comprehensive analysis in a single work seems to have been made so far of the connotations of social justice and the scope of the constitutional safeguards provided in favour of the weaker sections of the people. This thesis is the result of an attempt to analyse the connotations of social justice and the scope of the constitutional provisions made for the benefit of the weaker sections and the role played by the judiciary in this field The weaker sections, which are sought to be covered in this work, are "Backward C1asses". socially and educationally Backward Classes", "Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes" and women. The first two categories of weaker sections have not been defined in the Constitution. So, their meaning and the criteria to determine them have to be gathered from the reports submitted by various Backward Class Commissions and judicial decisions rendered in a number of cases. The main thrust in this work is to understand the meaning and contents of social justice, identify the relevant weaker sections and to examine the extent to which the social justice has been rendered to the said weaker sections. The scope of this thesis is confined to the examination of the role of the judiciary in this field. So, the enquiry has been focussed mainly on the decisions of the judiciary bearing on the subject with a view to assessing the role of the judiciary in rendering social justice meaningful to the weaker sections in particular and to the Indian Society in general.
Resumo:
The Union Territory of Pondicherry prior to its merger with the Indian Union was a French Colony. The erstwhile territory of Pondicherry along with its hamlets, namely, KARAIKKAL, MAHE and YANAM was administered by the French Regime. Before it was established by French in 1 6 74 A.D. it was part of Vijayanagara Empire. Prior to this, Pondicherry was a part of the Kingdom of Chola and Pallava Kings. During French Regime, the laws which were in force in France in relation to administration of civil and criminal justice were extended to the erstwhile Territory of Pondicherry. Thus while Pondicherry stood influenced by the Inquisitorial system since the beginning of the 18th century, the neighboring states forming part of the Indian Union since Independence came under the Influence of the British system, viz. accusatorial system. The territory of Pondicherry, for administrative reasons, came to be merged with the Indian Union in the early 60's. Following the merger, the Indian administration sought to extent its own laws from time to time replacing erstwhile French Laws, however, subject to certain savings. Thus the transitional period witnessed consequential changes in the administration of the territory, including the sphere of judicial system. Since I 963, the Union Territory of Pondicherry was brought under the spell of the Indian Legal System The people in Pondicherry ' thus have had the benefit of experiencing both the svstems. Their experiences will be of much help to those who undertake comparative studies in law. The plus and minus points of the respective systems help one to develop a detachment that helps independent evaluation of the svstents. The result of these studies could be relevant in revitalising our criminal systems.The present system is evaluated in the light of the past system. New dimensions are added by way' of an empirical study also.
Resumo:
The focus of the present study is on issues related to Legal—Economics. The economic approach to legal issues is based on the belief held by both legal professionals and economists that law and economics are complementary disciplines and that collaboration is highly beneficial.The principles of economic analysis can help our understanding of the law. Economic approach has important effects on the costs and benefits that prospective litigants may expect from litigation and their decisions to litigate or to settle out of court. Economic consideration is also helpful to understand I 1 the significance of litigation costs, the practical problems of legal administration and the provision of legal servicesz. The economic approach to law is mainly based on the belief held by some economists that the core of economics, the theory of choice is in principle- applicable to all human and institutional behaviour.
Resumo:
How do we justify the practice of corrective justice for losses suffered during armed conflicts? This article seeks to show the force and relevance of this question, and to argue that, in cases of massively destructive wars, social justice should gain priority over corrective justice. Starting from a liberal Rawlsian conception of the relationship between corrective and social justice, it is argued that, paradoxically, the more destructive a war is, the less normative force corrective rights have and the higher priority policies of social justice, which guarantee basic rights to all citizens, should have.
Resumo:
This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.
Resumo:
A common anti-egalitarian argument is that equality is motivated by envy, or the desire to placate envy. In order to avoid this charge, John Rawls explicitly banishes envy from his original position. This article argues that this is an inconsistent and untenable position for Rawls, as he treats envy as if it were a fact of human psychology and believes that principles of justice should be based on such facts. Therefore envy should be known about in the original position. The consequences for Rawlsian theory—both substantive and methodological—are discussed.
Resumo:
This article considers whether the system of reprimands and final warnings in the youth justice system in England and Wales constitutes age discrimination for the purposes of human rights law. Whilst much youth justice discourse has addressed the use of diversionary measures that steer children away from formal justice processes, little attention has been paid to measures which negatively discriminate against children, in comparison to adults, without reasonable justification. The discussion contextualizes the issue within discourses on the sociology of childhood and youth justice, and considers why there is a general reluctance to recognize children as ‘victims’ of age discrimination.
Resumo:
The assumption that the most important aim of war is to create a better peace than existed before the war, i.e. a peace with justice, was self-evident for writers prior to Clausewitz. This does not mean that princes saw this as their priority, but theoreticians did. This changed dramatically with the Napoleonic Wars: Clausewitz initiated an era where writers on strategy paid no heed to what would come after military victory, now seen as the be-all and end-all of war. Terrible consequences flowed from this, and a series of ephemeral victories leading to new wars. It was only around the Second World War, to some in itself the consequence of this obsession with victory and not with peace, that it began to dawn on writers that peace, not military victory must be the ultimate aim to be kept in sight.