Function of GCIP (CCNDBP1), a helix -loop -helix leucine -zip protein, in cell differentiation and tumorigenesis

Cell growth and differentiation are complex and well-organized processes in which cells respond to stimuli from the environment by carrying out genetic programs. Transcription factors with helix-loop-helix (HLH) motif play critical roles in controlling the expression of genes involved in lineage commitment, cell fate determination, proliferation and tumorigenesis. This study has examined the roles of GCIP (CCNDBP1) in cell differentiation and tumorigenesis. GCIP is a recently identified HLH-leucine zipper protein without a basic region like the Id family of proteins. However, GCIP shares little sequence homology with the Id proteins and has domains with high acidic amino acids and leucine-rich regions following the HLH domain like c-Myc. Here we firstly demonstrate that GCIP is a transcription regulator related to muscle differentiation program. Overexpression of GCIP in C2C12 cells not only promotes myotube formation but also upregulates myogenic differentiation biomarkers, including MHC and myogenein. On the other hand, our finding also suggests that GCIP is a potential tumor suppressor related to cell cycle control. Expression of GCIP was significantly down-regulated in colon tumors as compared to normal colon tissues. Overexpression of GCIP in SW480 colon cancer cell line resulted in a significant inhibition on tumor cell colony formation on soft agar assays while silencing of GCIP expression by siRNA can promote cell proliferation and colony formation. In addition, results from transgenic mice specifically expressing GCIP in liver also support the idea that GCIP is involved in the early stage of hepatocarcinogenesis and decreased susceptibility to chemical hepatocarcinogenesis. ^

Accumulation, velocities, fluxes and mass balance of glacial tributaries to the Lambert Glacier-Amery Ice Shelf system, Antarctica

By incorporating recently available remote sensing data, we investigated the mass balance for all individual tributary glacial basins of the Lambert Glacier-Amery Ice Shelf system, East Antarctica. On the basis of the ice flow information derived from SAR interferometry and ICESat laser altimetry, we have determined the spatial configuration of eight tributary drainage basins of the Lambert-Amery glacial system. By combining the coherence information from SAR interferometry and the texture information from SAR and MODIS images, we have interpreted and refined the grounding line position. We calculated ice volume flux of each tributary glacial basin based on the ice velocity field derived from Radarsat three-pass interferometry together with ice thickness data interpolated from Australian and Russian airborne radio echo sounding (RES) surveys and inferred from ICESat laser altimetry data. Our analysis reveals that three tributary basins have a significant net positive imbalance, while five other subbasins are slightly positive or close to zero balance. Overall, in contrast to previous studies, we find that the grounded ice in Lambert Glacier-Amery Ice Shelf system has a positive mass imbalance of 22.9 ± 4.4 Gt/a. The net basal melting for the entire Amery Ice Shelf is estimated to be 27.0 ± 7.0 Gt/a. The melting rate decreases rapidly from the grounding zone to the ice shelf front. Significant basal refreezing is detected in the downstream section of the ice shelf. The mass balance estimates for both the grounded ice sheet and the ice shelf mass differ substantially from other recent estimates.

The Sandinista Revolution and Post-Conflict Development--Key Issues

Following Daniel Ortega's victory in the presidential election held in November 2006, Nicaragua has been undergoing a transition from a democratic to authoritarian system. In the 1980s, Ortega served as President of the Sandinista government and implemented a Cuban-type socialist system, but the system failed and democracy was established during 1990-2007. Considering this failure, why did Ortega succeed in taking power again? This paper provides a brief history of modern Nicaragua and gives some insights into the twists of Latin American politics. The paper was prepared for the international seminar on Helping Failed States Recover: The Role of Business in Promoting Stability and Development, organized by the University of Kansas Center for International Business Education and Research (CIBER), held on April 4-6, 2007 in Lawrence. The opinions and views expressed herein are those of the author. All mistakes and/or errors are entirely the author's responsibility.

Functional and structural mapping of human cerebral cortex: Solutions are in the surfaces

The human cerebral cortex is notorious for the depth and irregularity of its convolutions and for its variability from one individual to the next. These complexities of cortical geography have been a chronic impediment to studies of functional specialization in the cortex. In this report, we discuss ways to compensate for the convolutions by using a combination of strategies whose common denominator involves explicit reconstructions of the cortical surface. Surface-based visualization involves reconstructing cortical surfaces and displaying them, along with associated experimental data, in various complementary formats (including three-dimensional native configurations, two-dimensional slices, extensively smoothed surfaces, ellipsoidal representations, and cortical flat maps). Generating these representations for the cortex of the Visible Man leads to a surface-based atlas that has important advantages over conventional stereotaxic atlases as a substrate for displaying and analyzing large amounts of experimental data. We illustrate this by showing the relationship between functionally specialized regions and topographically organized areas in human visual cortex. Surface-based warping allows data to be mapped from individual hemispheres to a surface-based atlas while respecting surface topology, improving registration of identifiable landmarks, and minimizing unwanted distortions. Surface-based warping also can aid in comparisons between species, which we illustrate by warping a macaque flat map to match the shape of a human flat map. Collectively, these approaches will allow more refined analyses of commonalities as well as individual differences in the functional organization of primate cerebral cortex.

Contact interactions between epitheliocytes and fibroblasts: Formation of heterotypic cadherin-containing adhesion sites is accompanied by local cytoskeletal reorganization

Contact interactions between different cell types play a number of important roles in development, for example in cell sorting, tissue organization, and ordered migration of cells. The nature of such heterocellular interactions, in contrast to interactions between cells of the same type, remains largely unknown. In this report, we present experimental data examining the dynamics of heterocellular interactions between epitheliocytes and fibroblasts, which express different cadherin cell adhesion molecules and possess different actin cytoskeletal organizations. Our analysis revealed two striking features of heterocellular contact. First, the active free edge of an epitheliocyte reorganizes its actin cytoskeleton after making contact with a fibroblast. Upon contact with the leading edge of a fibroblast, epitheliocytes disassemble their marginal bundle of actin filaments and reassemble actin filaments into a geometric organization more typical of a fibroblast lamella. Second, epitheliocytes and fibroblasts form cell–cell adhesion structures that have an irregular organization and are associated with components of cell adhesion complexes. The structural organization of these adhesions is more closely related to the type of contacts formed between fibroblasts rather than to those between epitheliocytes. Heterotypic epithelio-fibroblastic contacts, like homotypic contacts between fibroblasts, are transient and do not lead to formation of stable contact interactions. We suggest that heterocellular contact interactions in culture may be regarded as models of how tissue systems consisting of epithelia and mesenchyme interact and become organized in vivo.

Who will monitor the spies? CEPS Commentary, 8 January 2014

A majority of national governments across the EU have long tried to cordon off their practices of mass interception of communications data and cyber-hacking of foreign companies and diplomats from supranational scrutiny by the EU institutions and courts, arguing that they remain within the remit of their ‘exclusive competence’ on grounds of national security. In light of the revelations that some EU member states (namely the UK, France, Germany and Sweden) are running their own secret interception programmes, however, the question of whether the EU can and should intervene becomes more pressing. This commentary, by a team of JHA specialists at CEPS, offers four important legal reasons why the covert surveillance programmes of member states should not be regarded as falling outside the scope of EU intervention.

Russian sanctions against Moldova. Minor effects, major potential. OSW COMMENTARY No. 152, 2014-11-06

Russia has been Moldova’s main trade partner and Russian capital has accounted for a large part of its foreign investments, dominating in the energy and the banking sectors. Moreover, Russia has been a key job market for Moldovan expatriate workers. In the economic sphere, this is making Moldova unilaterally dependent on Russia. Moscow has been attempting to exploit this situation to put pressure on the authorities in Chișinău for quite some time. In recent months Russia has increasingly used instruments for exerting economic pressure on Moldova, as a means of responding to the current authorities’ pro-Western policy. A key element of this policy was Moldova’s signing on 27 June 2014 of the Association Agreement with the EU (which came into force on 1 September 2014). Over the last year, Russia has implemented a number of import restrictions on Moldovan goods. The aim of the Russian actions is to fuel social disappointment, and ultimately – to prevent the pro-European coalition currently in power from winning the parliamentary elections scheduled for 30 November 2014. Another aim might be to convince the Moldovan authorities to suspend the implementation of the Association Agreement – a plan openly put forward by Vladimir Putin during the CIS summit in Minsk on 10 October 2014. So far, however, the Russian economic sanctions have failed to produce the expected results. Support for the pro-European parties has been high, and there is little chance that the pro-Russian groups might achieve a parliamentary majority. It is not inconceivable, then, that in the upcoming months Moscow might decide to resort to other, more potent instruments of economic pressure such as speculation on the financial market, carried out as part of its de facto control over the banking sector. Another possibility is further tightening of trade restrictions, issuing expatriate workers from Russia or using Moldova’s dependence on Russian energy.

Russia and its Near Neighborhood: Competition and Conflict within the EU. Natolin Research Paper 04/May 2011

Russia in 2004 politely rejected the offer to become a participant in the European Neighbourhood Policy, preferring instead to pursue bilateral relations with the EU under the heading of ‘strategic partnership’. Five years later, its officials first reacted with concern to the ENP’s eastern dimension, the Eastern Partnership initiative. Quickly, however, having become convinced that the project would not amount to much, their concern gave way to indifference and derision. Furthermore, Russian representatives have failed to support idealistic or romantic notions of commonality in the area between Russia and the EU, shunned the terminology of ‘common European neighbourhood’ and replaced it in EU-Russian documents with the bland reference to ‘regions adjacent to the EU and Russian borders’. Internally, the term of the ‘near abroad’ was the official designation of the area in the Yeltsin era, and unofficially it is still in use today. As the terminological contortions suggest, Moscow officials consider the EU’s eastern neighbours as part of a Russian sphere of influence and interest. Assurances to the contrary notwithstanding, they look at the EU-Russia relationship as a ‘zero-sum game’ in which the gain of one party is the loss of the other. EU attempts to persuade the Russian power elite to regard cooperation in the common neighbourhood not as a competitive game but providing ‘win-win’ opportunities have been to no avail. In fact, conceptual approaches and practical policies conducted vis-à-vis the three Western CIS countries (Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova) and the southern Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan) confirm that, from Moscow’s perspective, processes of democratisation, liberalisation and integration with Western institutions in that region are contrary to Russian interests. In each and every case, therefore, the area’s ‘frozen conflicts’ have not been regarded by the Kremlin as an opportunity to promote stability and prosperity in the countries concerned but as an instrument to prevent European choices in their domestic and foreign policy. The current ‘reset’ in Russia’s relations with the United States and the ‘modernisation partnership’ with the EU have as yet failed to produce an impact on Russia’s policies in ‘its’ neighbourhood. The EU is nevertheless well advised to maintain its course of attempting to engage that country constructively, including in the common neighbourhood. However, its leverage is small. For any reorientation to occur in Moscow towards perceptions and policies of mutual benefit in the region, much would depend on Russia’s internal development.

The UN General Assembly Resolution on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Proceedings - an Example for Europe. IES Policy Brief Issue 2013/04 • May 2013

Summary. The EU’s attempts to adopt an EU-wide instrument on the right to access to legal aid in criminal proceedings have not been successful so far. The important issue was originally part of Measure C of the Roadmap for criminal procedural rights,1 but due to political difficulties legal aid was dropped from the agenda. However, on a different plane agreement was reached on this topic as the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) has adopted the world’s first international instrument dedicated to access to legal aid in December 2012.2 This policy brief argues that the EU should carry on in the ‘spirit’ of these recent developments and adopt a directive providing suspects and defendants with access to legal aid. 1 Council Resolution of 30 November 2009 on a Roadmap for strengthening procedural rights of suspected or accused persons in criminal proceedings, OJ C 295/1, 4 December 2009; hereafter will be referred to this Council Resolution as the ‘Roadmap’; for further information see M. Jimeno-Bulnes, ‘The EU Roadmap for Strengthening Procedural Rights of Suspected or Accused Persons in Criminal Proceedings’, 4 EUCrim (2009), 157-161. 2 United Nations Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice Systems, A/Res/67/187, 20 December 2012; from here on will be referred to this as the ‘Resolution’.

Transatlantic Conflict and Cooperation Concerning Trade Issues. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 13, July 2014

From the Introduction. Transatlantic relations have undergone significant changes within the past twenty-five years. During the Cold War era, the United States and Western Europe were bound together by a perceived common threat from the Soviet Union. Consequently, economic issues commanded less attention than security issues. After the Cold War ended, economic issues were thought to be the glue that would hold the transatlantic relationship together. Much attention was given for several years to fostering economic cooperation through the development of intergovernmental initiatives. After the terrorist incidents of September 11, 2001 in the United States, and the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, security issues again came to the forefront of the relationship. However, in contrast to the earlier era that was mainly characterized by close cooperation, disagreements between the United States and major countries of Western Europe about how to deal with the terrorist threat created severe strains in the relationship. By 2003, the third year of the George W Bush administration, transatlantic political relations had reached perhaps their lowest point since World War II. They have gradually improved since then, but with a significant setback from Wikileaks revelations, and even more serious strains resulting from the revelations by Edward Snowden concerning United States surveillance activities. Security issues have come to the forefront also in connection with regional unrest in the Middle East, EU nations’ dependence on Russian oil and gas, and Russian intrusions into Ukraine.

Prostitution as a Human Right: an Oxymoron. European Policy Briefs No. 36, August 2015

Prostitution is an extremely contentious topic, for political forces as well as civil society. The recent position adopted by Amnesty International in favour of a full decriminalization of this activity is an opportunity to launch a critical debate on this issue, at the global and European levels. Because of its close connections with human trafficking and migration, prostitution is indeed an inherently trans-national phenomenon requiring solutions beyond the strictly national level. This policy brief summarizes the main arguments of the debate and outlines a few alternative propositions.

The Importance of Foreign Language Skills in the Labour Markets of Central and Eastern Europe: An assessment based on data from online job portals. CEPS Special Report No. 129/January 2016

In a globalised world, knowledge of foreign languages is an important skill. Especially in Europe, with its 24 official languages and its countless regional and minority languages, foreign language skills are a key asset in the labour market. Earlier research shows that over half of the EU27 population is able to speak at least one foreign language, but there is substantial national variation. This study is devoted to a group of countries known as the Visegrad Four, which comprises the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Although the supply of foreign language skills in these countries appears to be well-documented, less is known about the demand side. In this study, we therefore examine the demand for foreign language skills on the Visegrad labour markets, using information extracted from online job portals. We find that English is the most requested foreign language in the region, and the demand for English language skills appears to go up as occupations become increasingly complex. Despite the cultural, historical and economic ties with their German-speaking neighbours, German is the second-most-in-demand foreign language in the region. Interestingly, in this case there is no clear link with the complexity of an occupation. Other languages, such as French, Spanish and Russian, are hardly requested. These findings have important policy implications with regards to the education and training offered in schools, universities and job centres.

Polyaromatic hydrocarbons in sediments from the Barents and White Seas

Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are common environmental contaminants which can be derived from anthropogenic sources, such as combustion and discharges from extraction and transport, and natural processes, including leakage and erosion of fossil carbon. Natural PAH sources contribute, along with biological activities and terrestrial run-off, to the organic carbon content in sediments.The Barents Sea region is far from many anthropogenic sources of PAH, but production and trans-shipment of hydrocarbons is increasing. We present data for polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon (PAH) concentrations in bottom sediments from 510 stations in the Barents and White Seas, and along the northern coast of Norway.

Some legal aspects of interstate crime.

Mode of access: Internet.

Commercial tariffs and regulations of the several states of Europe and America : together sith the commercial treaties between England and foreign countries /

Report on Mexico made to the British Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantations, containing treaties of commerce and navigation between Great Britain and Mexico, customs' tariff, commercial regulations, monies, weights, measures, and reports on trade, navigation, manufactures, finances, mining, Indian population, etc. The majority of this work relates to California, New Mexico, Oregon Territory and Russian America.