824 resultados para Digital marketing, tecnologie, internet


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Hollywood has dominated the global film business since the First World War. Economic formulas used by governments to assess levels of industry dominance typically measure market share to establish the degree of industry concentration. The business literature reveals that a marketing orientation strongly correlates with superior market performance and that market leaders that possess a set of six superior marketing capabilities are able to continually outperform rival firms. This paper argues that the historical evidence shows that the Hollywood Majors have consistently outperformed rival firms and rival film industries in each of those six marketing capabilities and that unless rivals develop a similarly integrated and cohesive strategic marketing management approach to the movie business and match the Major studios’ superior capabilities, then Hollywood’s dominance will continue. This paper also proposes that in cyberspace, whilst the Internet does provide a channel that democratises film distribution, the flat landscape of the world wide web means that in order to stand out from the clutter of millions of cyber-voices seeking attention, independent film companies need to possess superior strategic marketing management capabilities and develop effective e-marketing strategies to find a niche, attract a loyal online audience and prosper. However, mirroring a recent CIA report forecasting a multi-polar world economy, this paper also argues that potentially serious longer-term rivals are emerging and will increasingly take a larger slice of an expanding global box office as India, China and other major developing economies and their respective cultural channels grow and achieve economic parity with or surpass the advanced western economies. Thus, in terms of global market share over time, Hollywood’s slice of the pie will comparatively diminish in an emerging multi-polar movie business.

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My research is located in an abiding concern with the nation and takes a special interest in the predictions and expectations surrounding the impact of the Internet on how this institution is lived. It is my hypothesis that the effects of the Internet are not limited only to those who are users but extends even to those who may never have witnessed its workings. The research question I began with: how is the imagining of the nation affected by our understandings and expectations of the Internet, developed through the writing of the first three chapters to: how is the living of the nation affected by the Internet’s inflection on lived time and lived space?

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As part of a development plan-in-progress spanning a total of 25 years (1996 to 2020), Malaysia’s Multimedia Super Corridor MSC provides a unique opportunity to witness a brief and microcosmic unfolding of that process which Lewis Mumford lays out in exhaustive detail in Technics and Civilization (Mumford, 1963). What makes it doubly interesting is the interlocking of national imagining, destiny and progress with a specific group of technologies, information and communication technologies (ICT), of which the Internet is part. This paper casts Malaysia’s development and implementation of the MSC as the core round which an enquiry of the association between the nation and the Internet is woven. I argue here that there are 3 dissonances that occur within the relationship between the Malaysian nation and the Internet. The first of these arises from the tension between the premises underlying techno-utopianism and pro-Malay affirmative action. The second is born of the discordance between the “guaranteed” freedom from online censorship and the absolute punitive powers of the state. The third lies in the contradiction between the Malaysian nation, as practiced through graduated sovereignty and its pro-Bumiputera affirmative action. Together, these three comprise the inflections that the Internet has on Malaysia. Further, I contend that aside from adding to the number of ways in which the nation is understood and experienced, these inflections also have the potential to disrupt how the nation is lived. By lived I mean to denote the realisation of the nation that occurs in and through everyday life.

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The Digital Economy Bill has been heavily criticized by consumer organizations, internet service providers and technology experts on the grounds that it will reduce the public’s ability to access politically sensitive information, impinge on citizens’ rights to privacy, threaten freedom of expression and have a chilling effect on digital innovation. Its passage in spite of these criticisms reflects, among other things, the power of the rhetoric that has been employed by its proponents. This paper examines economic arguments surrounding the digital economy debate in light of lessons from one of the world's fastest growing economies: China.

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The Internet has been shown to positively influence the internationalisation activities of firms through enhanced information, knowledge and network development. Although there has been evidence of a positive impact of the Internet on internationalisation process components, it is vague as to whether the Internet has an impact on firm international market growth. This paper examines the role of the Internet in the outward internationalisation of a cross-national sample of 224 firms from Australia. The results show evidence that a there is a link between Internet usage, Internet intensity and the international market growth of the firm. The findings indicate that firms are using Internet technologies beyond simple e-mail and websites in their international marketing. For example, Internet directories and Internet market spaces are assisting international market expansion of the firm. Firms are integrating the Internet into international marketing processes such as advertising, marketing, market research and international market management as well as in data transference between company and supplier and company and customer. Further, there is evidence in this study of the statistical relationships between the use of website, e-mail and online sales with the international market growth of the firm.

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This paper undertakes an overview of two developments in online media that coincided with the 'year-long campaign' that was the 2007 Australian Federal election. It discusses the relatively successful use of the Internet and social media in the 'Kevin07' Australian Labor Party campaign, and contrasts this to the Liberal-National Party's faltering use of You Tube for policy announcements. It also notes the struggle for authority in interpreting polling data between the mainstream media and various online commentators, and the 'July 12 incident' at The Australian, where it engaged in strong denunciation of alleged biases and prejudices among bloggers and on political Web sites. It concludes with consideration of some wider implication for political communication and the politics-media relationship, and whether we are seeing trends towards dispersal and diversification characterising the 'third age' of political communication.

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This article considers the concept of media citizenship in relation to the digital strategies of the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS). At SBS, Australia’s multicultural public broadcaster, there is a critical appraisal of its strategies to harness user-created content (UCC) and social media to promote greater audience participation through its news and current affairs Web sites. The article looks at the opportunities and challenges that user-related content presents for public service media organizations as they consolidate multiplatform service delivery. Also analyzed are the implications of radio and television broadcasters’ moves to develop online services. It is proposed that case study methodologies enable an understanding of media citizenship to be developed that maintains a focus on the interaction between delivery technologies, organizational structures and cultures, and program content that is essential for understanding the changing focus of 21st-century public service media.

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This paper identifies factors underpinning the emergence of citizen journalism, including the rise of Web 2.0, rethinking journalism as a professional ideology, the decline of ‘high modernist’ journalism, divergence between elite and popular opinion, changing revenue bases for news production, and the decline of deference in democratic societies. It will connect these issues to wider debates about the implications of journalism and news production increasingly going into the Internet environment.

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This article considers the concept of media citizenship in relation to the digital strategies of the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS). At SBS, Australia’s multicultural public broadcaster, there is a critical appraisal of its strategies to harness user-created content (UCC) and social media to promote greater audience participation through its news and current affairs Web sites. The article looks at the opportunities and challenges that user-created content presents for public service media organizations as they consolidate multiplatform service delivery. Also analyzed are the implications of radio and television broadcasters’ moves to develop online services. It is proposed that case study methodologies enable an understanding of media citizenship to be developed that maintains a focus on the interaction between delivery technologies, organizational structures and cultures, and program content that is essential for understanding the changing focus of 21st-century public service media.

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The antecedents of channel power (e.g. El-Ansary and Stern, 1972) and the impact of channel structure ( e.g. Anderson and Narus,1984) on channel dynamics have long been important topics within the channel literature. In addition to the theoretical and methodological contributions, research in these areas has helped channel managers to understand how power is generated and used in coordinating distribution strategies in different contexts. The study presented in this paper builds upon these previous literatures, which are first briefly reviewed below.

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This chapter explores the idea of virtual participation through the historical example of the republic of letters in early modern Europe (circa 1500-1800). By reflecting on the construction of virtuality in a historical context, and more specifically in a pre-digital environment, it calls attention to accusations of technological determinism in ongoing research concerning the affordances of the Internet and related media of communication. It argues that ‘the virtual’ is not synonymous with ‘the digital’ and suggests that, in order to articulate what is novel about modern technologies, we must first understand the social interactions underpinning the relationships which are facilitated through those technologies. By analysing the construction of virtuality in a pre-digital environment, this chapter thus offers a baseline from which scholars might consider what is different about the modes of interaction and communication being engaged in via modern media.

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The Dark Ages are generally held to be a time of technological and intellectual stagnation in western development. But that is not necessarily the case. Indeed, from a certain perspective, nothing could be further from the truth. In this paper we draw historical comparisons, focusing especially on the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, between the technological and intellectual ruptures in Europe during the Dark Ages, and those of our current period. Our analysis is framed in part by Harold Innis’s2 notion of "knowledge monopolies". We give an overview of how these were affected by new media, new power struggles, and new intellectual debates that emerged in thirteenth and fourteenth century Europe. The historical salience of our focus may seem elusive. Our world has changed so much, and history seems to be an increasingly far-from-favoured method for understanding our own period and its future potentials. Yet our seemingly distant historical focus provides some surprising insights into the social dynamics that are at work today: the fracturing of established knowledge and power bases; the democratisation of certain "sacred" forms of communication and knowledge, and, conversely, the "sacrosanct" appropriation of certain vernacular forms; challenges and innovations in social and scientific method and thought; the emergence of social world-shattering media practices; struggles over control of vast networks of media and knowledge monopolies; and the enclosure of public discursive and social spaces for singular, manipulative purposes. The period between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries in Europe prefigured what we now call the Enlightenment, perhaps moreso than any other period before or after; it shaped what the Enlightenment was to become. We claim no knowledge of the future here. But in the "post-everything" society, where history is as much up for sale as it is for argument, we argue that our historical perspective provides a useful analogy for grasping the wider trends in the political economy of media, and for recognising clear and actual threats to the future of the public sphere in supposedly democratic societies.

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This chapter will begin by considering some of the distinctive features of media as creative industries, including their assessment of risk and return on investment, team-based production, the management of creativity, the value chain of production, distribution and circulation, and the significance of intellectual property in their revenue strategies. It will then critically appraise three strategies to capture new markets and revenue streams in the context of the rise of the Internet, digital media and globally networked distribution. The three strategies to be considered are conglomeration, networking and globalization, and the focus will be on the media giants such as News Corporation, Disney and Time-Warner. It will be argued that all three present considerable challenges in their application, and digital media technologies are weakening rather than strengthening their capacity to control the global media environment. The chapter will conclude with consideration of some implications of this analysis for questions of media power.