778 resultados para Buy national policy


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Northern Ireland (NI) is emerging from a violent period in its troubled history and remains a
society characterized by segregation between its two main communities. Nowhere is this more
apparent than in education, where for the most part Catholic and Protestant pupils are
educated separately. During the last 30 years there has been a twofold pressure placed on the
education system in NI - at one level to respond to intergroup tensions by promoting
reconciliation, and at another, to deal with national policy demands derived from a global neoliberalist
economic agenda. With reference to current efforts to promote shared education
between separate schools, we explore the uneasy dynamic between a school-based
reconciliation programme in a transitioning society and system-wide values that are driven by
neo-liberalism and its organizational manifestation - new managerialism. We argue that whilst
the former seeks to promote social democratic ideals in education that can have a potentially
transformative effect at societal level, neoliberal priorities have the potential to both subvert
shared education and also to embed it.

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We live in times when the search for a citizenship education that can transcend national, ethnical and cultural borders is an important part of educational policy. In times of increased pressure by the European Union on its nation states to provide for nation-transcending democracy, this question becomes crucial for national policymaking in Europe. In this text, Swedish education policy will be taken as a case in point in order to shed light on how this question is being handled in this particular national policy setting. It is argued that the policy’s citizen fostering agenda tends to be counterproductive in the sense that it is still situated in national notions of the relationship between democracy and education, which tend to exclude certain individuals and groups of people on an age-related and (ethno) cultural basis. It is further argued that these excluding features can be related to educational ideas about socialisation. The aim of this text is underlined by suggesting a different way of framing democracy and democratic citizenship education: to increase the potential of education as regards the renewal of democracy and democratic citizenship.

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Objetivou-se compreender a humanização do atendimento à criança na Atenção Básica na visão dos profissionais. Estudo qualitativo, realizado em uma Unidade de Saúde da Família de Natal-RN, Brasil. Dezesseis profissionais responderam a um formulário contendo questões referentes ao atendimento à criança, à humanização e às práticas realizadas para humanizar o atendimento. Os dados foram categorizados por temas e analisados a partir dos princípios da Política Nacional de Humanização. Para os profissionais, humanizar o atendimento envolve acolher, escutar, aconselhar sobre o que está sendo realizado com a criança, valorizar a família, e tornar o sujeito ativo no atendimento, mesmo que de forma incipiente. A maioria dos profissionais descreveu atendimento que valorizava parte dos princípios da política de humanização, mesmo com dificuldades para implementá-los na rotina. Requer, portanto, estímulos e atualização dos profissionais para uma postura autocrítica sobre o atendimento

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

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We explore bioregional management in the Murray-Darling Basin (MDB) in Australia through the institutional design characteristics of the MDB River Basin Organization (RBO), the actors and organizations who supported and resisted the establishment of the RBO, and the effectiveness of the RBO. During the last 25 years, there has been a major structural reform in the MDB RBO, which has changed from an interstate coordinating body to an Australian government agency. Responsibility for basin management has been centralized under the leadership of the Australian government, and a comprehensive integrated Basin plan has been adopted. The driving forces for this centralization include national policy to restore river basins to sustainable levels of extraction, state government difficulties in reversing overallocation of water entitlements, the millennium drought and its effects, political expediency on the part of the Australian government and state governments, and a major injection of Australian government funding. The increasing hierarchy and centralization of the MDB RBO does not follow a general trend toward multilevel participative governance of RBOs, but decentralization should not be overstated because of the special circumstances at the time of the centralization and the continuing existence of some decentralized elements, such as catchment water plans, land use planning, and water quality. Further swings in the centralization–decentralization pendulum could occur. The MDB reform has succeeded in rebalancing Basin water allocations, including an allocation for the environment and reduced diversion limits. There are some longer term risks to the implementation of reform, including lack of cooperation by state governments, vertical coordination difficulties, and perceived reductions in the accountability and legitimacy of reform at the local level. If implementation of the Basin plan is diverted or delayed, a new institution, the Commonwealth Environmental Water Holder, can play a major role in securing and coordinating environmental water supplies.

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In response to widespread water quality and quantity issues, the New Zealand Government has recently embarked on a number of comprehensive freshwater management reforms, developing a raft of national discussion and policy documents such as “Freshwater Reform 2013 and Beyond” and a National Policy Statement for freshwater management (NPS-FM 2014). Recent resource management reforms and amendments (RMA 2014), based on previous overarching resource management legislation (RMA 1991), set out a new approach and pathway to manage freshwater nationwide. Internationally, there is an increasing trend to engage with indigenous communities for research and collaboration, including indigenous groups as active participants in resource management decision making. What is driving this change toward more engagement and collaboration with indigenous communities is different for each country, and we document the progress and innovation made in this area in New Zealand. The indigenous rights of Māori in New Zealand are stated in the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi and in many forms of New Zealand's legislation. Local and central governments are eager to include local indigenous Māori groups (iwi/hapū) in freshwater management planning processes through meaningful engagement and collaboration. Key to the success of collaborative planning processes for Māori are enduring relationships between local government and Māori, along with adequate resourcing for all partners contributing to the collaborative process. A large number of shared governance and management models for natural resource management have emerged in New Zealand over the past 20 years, and some recent examples are reviewed. We provide some discussion to improve understanding and use of the terms used in these management models such as cogovernance, comanagement, and coplanning, and describe some of the more important frameworks and tools being developed with Māori groups (e.g., iwi/hapū), to strengthen Māori capacity in freshwater management and to support good collaborative process and planning.

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Due to the appreciation of family farming by the Brazilian Federal Government, the Technical Assistance and Rural Extension was induced to restructure and act in a more participative way, culminating in the National Policy of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension (PNATER), changing the profile of technology transfer and knowledge (diffusionism) for an action that uses participatory methodologies focused on exchange of knowledge between farmers and technicians. The process of discussion of the trends of ATER brought the New ATER , with the recognition of agroecology as the main guidance. This research aimed to analyze methods of public ATER developed by institutions of Rio Grande do Norte, under the guidance of New ATER. The research is qualitative. Secondary data were collected through documental research and literature. Primary data were collected through a set of interviews applied to representatives of public institutions ATER, namely EMATER-RN, Diaconia and AACC and representatives of organizations that receive public ATER. The research showed the difficulties of EMATER-RN in implementing of New ATER due to lack of infrastructure and low adherence of the new form of technical assistance and rural extension. It was shown also that the AACC and Diaconia act with ATER through projects with implementation deadlines set, often interrupting ATER while communities are still in need of assistance

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This thesis is a case study of a primary school in a highly diverse urban neighbourhood in Sweden. Basic pre-conditions for intercultural school development are studied by examining the overall organisation of teaching, learning and opportunities for collaboration in the investigated case. The study focuses on the targeted support measures to enhance learning for students with an immigrant background: Mother tongue instruction, Swedish as a Second Language, and tutoring in the mother tongue, as well as looking at pedagogical support provided by the school library. The latter has a mission to promote learning and inclusion, where non-native speakers of Swedish are a prioritised group. Communities of practice linked to the work organisation at a meso-level are investigated, and the collaborative relationships between professional groups at the school involved in the various support measures. Teacher relationships and categorisations implied by support measures impact the learning spaces that are shaped for students and the teaching spaces within which teachers work. Collaborative opportunities and convergence of concerns in the teaching spaces combine to shape the overall space for intercultural development. The raw data for the case study consists of interviews, national policy documents and additional information on local work organisation gained through documents and observations. Four articles resulted from the case study, each focusing a specific support measure. An overarching analysis is then made of findings from these articles and the other dimensions of the investigation. The analysis describes the organisation in terms of monocultural or intercultural school cultures, pointing to significant characteristics of the landscapes of practice, with respect to their overall implications for the spaces of school development. In the discussion, findings are considered in relation to research on professional development in education, collaboration, democracy and inclusive schooling. The relative positioning of languages and cultures is given particular attention, to ascertain if the school culture is monocultural or intercultural in the sense given by Lahdenperä (2008), and to what extent it could enable intercultural development. Such positioning plays a role interms of affordances for identity, participation and engagement discussed by Wenger (1998). This case study should be understood against the wider background of recent social developments in Europe linked to globalisation and technological changes. It is argued that looking at the concrete specifics which facilitate or obstruct school development, and simultaneously reflecting on how the different forms of teaching interrelate in the overall organisation and in policy may provide a useful vantage point from which structural changes can be contemplated.The discussion underlines the importance of the physical localisation of activities, continuity in personal contacts and time available for joint pedagogical reflection, as basic conditions for effective intercultural dialogue in the organisation. Finally, the impact of policy is considered, looking at connections between levels of policy, expressed in official steering documents, and conditions for teaching and learning at the level of an individual school.

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Neste trabalho serão analisadas características da comunicação organizacional, de mobilização social e da comunicação em saúde, para, na parte empírica, analisar a comunicação para mobilização social no evento Semana Nacional de Humanização, realizado pela Política Nacional de Humanização, no Brasil, em 2014. Em um primeiro momento, buscamos compreender as características principais da comunicação organizacional na forma prática, assim como os aspectos que propiciaram seu surgimento. A fim de compreender como essa comunicação tem aplicabilidade no cotidiano das empresas, se buscou pormenorizar as etapas de formulação do planejamento de uma comunicação voltada às organizações, sua implementação e relacionamento com a imprensa, e como atividades de marketing e publicidade se inserem na comunicação para organizações. Mais adiante, já buscando demonstrar as similaridades e especificidades entre a comunicação organizacional e a comunicação específica para mobilização social em questões de saúde, solidifica-se conceitos acerca da aplicabilidade desta última, suas características e resultados esperados. Só a partir daí se começa a analisar a comunicação dentro do evento promovido pela Política Nacional de Humanização (PNH), a Semana Nacional de Humanização. Concentra-se, portanto, em explicar como o evento se insere no Sistema Único de Saúde no Brasil (SUS). A PNH busca humanizar o serviço e estimular a participação efetiva dos três atores que compõe o sistema: gestores, trabalhadores e usuários. A Semana Nacional de Humanização surgiu como mais um espaço de debate para unir estes atores na construção dessa humanização. O presente estudo, por meio de questionários enviados aos inscritos no evento buscou, então, analisar o alcance desse objetivo e como a comunicação contribuiu neste processo. Apesar de ter sido muito exitosa no sentido de reforçar boas práticas e percepções dos inscritos no evento, a comunicação lidou com alguns desafios com a extensão territorial do país, a diferença cultural e ainda a resistência do usuário em conhecer e participar de ações do SUS. Além de analisar acertos e falhas, também se buscou apontar caminhos para futuros eventos afim de aumentar a mobilização e melhorar a comunicação.

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The gender wage gap is well studied in developed countries; however, recently it has generated much interest in developing countries. This thesis addresses three issues regarding the gender wage gap in Bangladesh. Firstly, it explores the wage determinants for formal public and private sector employees in Bangladesh and examines the gender pay gap. This is the first time different decomposition methods have been used to compare the sources of the gender wage gap as well as any potential discrimination effect in the formal sector of the Bangladeshi labour market. These decomposition methods are: the original Oaxaca (1973) and Blinder (1973) decomposition methods, the Neumark (1988), Cotton (1988), and Reimers (1983) methods, and the extended Oaxaca method including both the employment selection and the double selection correction in the wage equation. In addition to mentioned methods, to quantify the gender wage gap in monetary terms, a recently developed ‘simulated change’ approach by Olsen and Walby (2004) is also applied for the first time to the Bangladeshi data. By using the Labour Force Survey 2005-06, BBS (LFS 2005-06) data results show formal sector female employees earn about 32.1 per cent less than their male counterparts. Without considering the selection correction, a large range of human capital, demographic and labour market related variables are explained less than half of the total gender wage gap (21 to 46 per cent of the total wage gap) and the major part of the wage gap is unexplained (54 to 79 per cent of the total wage gap). This could partly be attributed to discrimination. Using the double selection correction method, the decomposition results changed where a small part of the wage gap was explained by the measured characteristics (only nine per cent of the total wage gap) and a major part is attributed to the discrimination and selection effect. The selection effect also reveals that exclusion of the double selection correction might lead to an overestimation of the gender wage gap in the formal sector of Bangladesh. In addition, results based on the Olsen and Walby (2004) simulation method show that, if the other characteristics of male and female employees were similar, ‘being female’ is sufficient, to generate significantly lower wages than males in the formal sector. If females in the workplace are treated as males, without considering any other endowment increases, females could increase their earnings by 4095.3 Taka1 per year. Results also indicate that not only endowment differences in human capital and work experience related variables were important, but discrimination appears to play a significant role in the total wage gap throughout the formal sector of the Bangladeshi labour market. Secondly, the study investigates whether public sector employees enjoyed a wage premium or not, compared to the private sector and whether the gender wage gap is greater in the public sector. In addition, the research considered whether there was an impact from the inclusion of the different selection correction terms in the wage equation. In Bangladesh, public sector employees have, on average, a 60 per cent wage premium over the private sector. Using both the original Oaxaca and the extended Oaxaca methods, where selection effect is partly captured by both explained and unexplained components, and using the public sector wage structure as the basis of the non-discriminatory wage structure, these methods revealed a considerably larger portion of explained (72 - 93 per cent of the total wage gap) and a smaller portion of unexplained part of the wage gap. However, if the selection correction is considered as another component of the decomposition outcome then the major portion of the total public and private sectors wage gap is justified (explained) by the effect of the selection correction and unexplained factors. Furthermore, a large part of the wage premium exists in favour of public sector female employees compared to males and the gender wage gap is lower in the public sector than the private sector. Finally, this study compares the gender wage gap of five different occupations. The gender wage gap is associated with labour market rigidities where one of the important factors is occupational segregation where females are disproportionately distributed in occupations resulting in lower earnings. The largest gender wage gap was found in agriculture, forestry, fisheries, production and transport labour jobs (56.4 per cent) and the lowest in the professional, technical administrative and managerial jobs (22.1 per cent). Substantial differences are found in the size of the endowment gap across occupations and larger variations occurred in the adjusted wage gap which varied from 21.4 per cent in sales and service occupations, to 100 per cent in professional and technical jobs (the highest). This too can be partly explained by discrimination. A reduction in the gender wage gap is expected not only to increase national income, but also to reduce poverty and lead to better outcomes for future generations. National policy should aim to reduce the gender wage gap and achieve gender wage equality in the formal sector; for example through a targeted program to remove the gender differences in education and to reduce the skill difference, with a better child care policy to encourage labour force retention and increased labour market experience for female employees, with anti-discriminatory policies and the enforcement of existing antidiscrimination policies, and a more equal distribution of males and females across occupations.

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Acompanha: A diferença está no saber agir: conheça!: educação inclusiva: dos documentos legais à realidade escolar

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O presente trabalho traz uma analise exploratória a cerca da situação do setor de construção civil e seu impacto ambiental, assim como, o problema da falta de gestão adequada, que possibilite através de politicas públicas e instrumentos econômicos, formas sustentáveis de lidar com os resíduos gerados em todo território nacional. Analisou-se o Plano Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos (PNRS), elaborado para nortear os municípios brasileiros na adequação da Politica Nacional dos Resíduos Sólidos. O PNRS expõe um histórico da situação dos resíduos, e apresenta alternativas especificas para corrigir as externalidades geradas por sua disposição indiscriminada, além de propor metas de gestão eficiente, e alertar quanto as punições estabelecidas pelo não cumprimento da Lei 12.305, que entrou em vigor no dia 02 de agosto de 2010, dando um prazo de quatro anos para que os municípios encontrassem maneiras de descartar de forma correta seus resíduos sólidos, dentre outras abordagens. Também foi realizado levantamento bibliográfico com uso de conceitos microeconômicos envolvendo externalidades, pelo qual se podem notar as diferentes formas negativas com que o setor impacta o meio ambiente.

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A growing body of research has argued that university citizenship curricula are inefficient in promoting civic participation, while there is a tendency towards a broader citizenship understanding and new forms of civic engagements and citizenship learning in everyday life. The notion of cultural citizenship in this thesis concentrates on media practices’ relation to civic expression and civic engagement. This research thus argues that not enough attention has been paid to the effects of citizenship education policy on students and students’ active citizenship learning in China. This thesis examines the civic experience of university students in China in the parallel contexts of widespread adoption of mass media and of university citizenship education courses, which have been explicitly mandatory for promoting civic morality education in Chinese universities since 2007. This research project raises significant questions about the meditating influences of these two contexts on students’ perceptions of civic knowledge and civic participation, with particular interest to examine whether and how the notion of cultural citizenship could be applied in the Chinese context and whether it could provide certain implications for citizenship education in China. University students in one university in Beijing contributed to this research by providing both quantitative and qualitative data collected from mixed-methods research. 212 participants contributed to the questionnaire data collection and 12 students took part in interviews. Guided by the theoretical framework of cultural citizenship, a central focus of this study is to explore whether new forms of civic engagement and civic learning and a new direction of citizenship understanding can be identified among university students’ mass media use. The study examines the patterns of students’ mass media use and its relationship to civic participation, and also explores the ways in which mass media shape students and how they interact and perform through the media use. In addition, this study discusses questions about how national context, citizenship tradition and civic education curricula relate to students’ civic perceptions, civic participation and civic motivation in their enactment of cultural citizenship. It thus tries to provide insights and identify problems associated with citizenship courses in Chinese universities. The research finds that Chinese university students can also identify civic issues and engage in civic participation through the influence of mass media, thus indicating the application of cultural citizenship in the wider higher education arena in China. In particular, the findings demonstrate that students’ citizenship knowledge has been influenced by their entertainment experiences with TV programs, social networks and movies. However, the study argues that the full enactment of cultural citizenship in China is conditional with regards to characteristics related to two prerequisites: the quality of participation and the influence of the public sphere in the Chinese context. Most students in the study are found to be inactive civic participants in their everyday lives, especially in political participation. Students express their willingness to take part in civic activities, but they feel constrained by both the current citizenship education curriculum in universities and the strict national policy framework. They mainly choose to accept ideological and political education for the sake of personal development rather than to actively resist it, however, they employ creative ways online to express civic opinions and conduct civic discussion. This can be conceptualised as the cultural dimension of citizenship observed from students who are not passively prescribed by traditional citizenship but who have opportunities to build their own civic understanding in everyday life. These findings lead to the conclusion that the notion of cultural citizenship not only provides a new mode of civic learning for Chinese students but also offers a new direction for configuring citizenship in China. This study enriches the existing global literature on cultural citizenship by providing contemporary evidence from China which is a developing democratic country, as well as offering useful information for Chinese university practitioners, policy makers and citizenship researchers on possible directions for citizenship understanding and citizenship education. In particular, it indicates that it is important for efforts to be made to generate a culture of authentic civic participation for students in the university as well as to promote the development of the public sphere in the community and the country generally.

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Objetivou-se compreender a humanização do atendimento à criança na Atenção Básica na visão dos profissionais. Estudo qualitativo, realizado em uma Unidade de Saúde da Família de Natal-RN, Brasil. Dezesseis profissionais responderam a um formulário contendo questões referentes ao atendimento à criança, à humanização e às práticas realizadas para humanizar o atendimento. Os dados foram categorizados por temas e analisados a partir dos princípios da Política Nacional de Humanização. Para os profissionais, humanizar o atendimento envolve acolher, escutar, aconselhar sobre o que está sendo realizado com a criança, valorizar a família, e tornar o sujeito ativo no atendimento, mesmo que de forma incipiente. A maioria dos profissionais descreveu atendimento que valorizava parte dos princípios da política de humanização, mesmo com dificuldades para implementá-los na rotina. Requer, portanto, estímulos e atualização dos profissionais para uma postura autocrítica sobre o atendimento

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Departamento de Geografia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia, 2015.