340 resultados para Bureaucracy.
Resumo:
A pesquisa apresenta uma análise das relações de poder, no espaço da Educação Infantil do Município de Ribeirão Pires, focada no trabalho das Educadoras não-docentes e das Professoras de Desenvolvimento Infantil de duas escolas, localizadas em duas regiões distintas: uma na região central, e a outra em um vilarejo afastado do centro. O foco principal é o conflito entre esses dois grupos de profissionais, um foco secundário e complementar são as deficiências de funcionamento, que contribuem para a existência de conflito entre os grupos. A hipótese que norteia a pesquisa é a de que, as educadoras não-docentes, enquanto grupo veterano, valem-se da antiguidade, afirmando-se por meio de seus saberes tácitos ou empíricos, e as PDI, por sua vez, valem-se da titulação/diploma. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de entrevistas e da observação na unidade escolar, visou apreender as diferenças estabelecidas entre os grupos de educadoras e professoras, mas, sobretudo, entender a forma com que ambas expressam as relações de poder no espaço e no tempo escolar. A pesquisa requereu como base, três referenciais analíticos: Norbert Elias (2000), que aborda as relações de poder; o Estudo de Sociologia do Desvio de Becker (2008) e o Estigma de Erving Goffman (1891). Partindo do estudo dos três autores foi possível observar, dentro das relações de poder entre os grupos de educadoras e professoras, algumas tendências e disposições coletivas, como: afirmação de superioridade pela tradição, afirmação de superioridade por títulos, inclinações a estigmatização, sentimentos de vitimização e a baixa burocratização institucional, corretamente podemos constatar, no que diz respeito ao foco secundário da pesquisa, a apresença nas escolas estudadas, de um baixo nível de burocratização institucional, o que contribui para estimular conflitos entre grupos docentes analisados. A pesquisa poderá contribuir para o debate em torno de assuntos relacionados com a modalidade Educação Infantil e seus agentes, tal qual ela se configura no Brasil.
Resumo:
O presente trabalho enfoca um dos colegiados mais tradicionais das escolas públicas no Estado de São Paulo: os Conselhos de Classe e Série. Concebidos para serem espaços de avaliação coletiva com potencial para propiciar a construção ou re-construção da Proposta Pedagógica, foram reduzidos, na prática, a meros rituais burocráticos, à medida que muitas escolas desconsideram a exigência legal que determina a participação dos alunos em suas instâncias. O estudo teve por objetivo a identificação e a análise dos fatores que interferem direta e indiretamente na implementação da participação dos alunos e seus pais nestes colegiados. De natureza empírica, a pesquisa apóia-se nas análises de Maurício Tragtemberg, para quem a escola funciona como centro de reprodução das relações de produção, à medida que seleciona os alunos através do que denomina pedagogia burocrática . Concentrou-se numa das escolas que incluíram efetivamente alunos e pais nos Conselhos de Classe e Série, confrontando, durante o processo, os conflitos inerentes à estrutura burocrática da instituição escolar. Constatamos que as práticas da maioria dos professores da escola pesquisada mantêm-se permeadas pelas representações tradicionais de cunho patrimonialista, no sentido apontado por Weber, em contradição ao esforço da equipe de direção em aprofundar a participação dos alunos e seus pais nos colegiados. As representações tradicionais convivem e integram-se à estrutura burocrática da escola pública, constituindo-se num dos principais obstáculos à efetiva participação. Optamos pela observação participante, em virtude de nossa dupla inserção nesse processo: tanto através da docência em escola pública da rede estadual, quanto do exercício de um cargo de especialista no âmbito da Diretoria de Ensino procedimento metodológico que nos permitiu dispor de dados de várias escolas, possibilitando o estabelecimento de algumas comparações pertinentes para o estudo proposto.(AU)
Resumo:
Tendo como referencial o sociólogo Luiz Pereira, e levando em consideração as relevantes críticas à visão weberiana sobre a burocracia feitas principalmente por Maurício Tragtenberg, esta dissertação almejou, através de uma pesquisa empírica, mostrar que a construção da identidade profissional do professor sofre influência direta de sua visão ideológica. Partindo de uma análise crítica da visão weberiana de burocracia, o presente trabalho busca traçar o perfil ideológico do professor da rede pública. Para tanto, este trabalho baseia-se em uma pesquisa abrangendo entrevistas, análise de documentos e observações do cotidiano de uma escola pública estadual escolhida como fonte de pesquisa. Pretendeu-se abordar a questão da filiação ideológica dos professores da rede pública, analisando em dois níveis: o da filiação ideológica a uma classe social (a classe média) e o da filiação ideológica a uma categoria social ligada ao Estado (a burocracia estatal). Levou-se, portanto, em consideração a hipótese de uma filiação ideológica dos professores a ambos os grupos, já que, à parte a alta burocracia (filiada ideologicamente às classes dominantes), a maioria do corpo burocrático (média e baixa burocracia) tende a adotar a perspectiva ideológica da classe média.(AU)
Resumo:
Este trabalho investiga as relações interpessoais entre professores(as) e formadores(as), tendo como foco o(a) Professor(a) de Apoio Pedagógico (PAP), na Prefeitura de São Bernardo do Campo. Analisa a complexidade que envolve o trabalho formativo e verifica as relações estabelecidas entre estes pares: hierarquia, intervenções formativas, relações de poder, trabalho coletivo e veiculações de conhecimento. O(a) PAP ao final do ano é avaliado(a), num passado recente, pelo grupo, e atualmente, pelo(a) diretor(a) e referendado a assumir a função no ano seguinte, dando continuidade ao seu trabalho ou não. Se não referendado, volta para a sala de aula. Observa-se que alguns(mas) PAP s vem conseguindo ser referendados(as) e mantém-se há dez anos na função. A questão desta pesquisa é: O que leva o(a) formador(a) de professores(as) a conseguir tal legitimidade do grupo? Foram realizadas entrevistas, com vistas a uma abordagem metodológica de Histórias de Vida com análise das trajetórias formativas e profissionais de sete PAP´s (três que estão na função desde 1998, quando da sua criação, e quatro que estão na função desde 2007). Os referenciais teóricos estão ancorados em Antònio Nóvoa quando discute identidade e autoconhecimento do(a) professor(a); Paulo Freire na abordagem sobre dialogicidade como prática da liberdade; Madalena Freire quando analisa a resistência e constituição de grupo. A conclusão da pesquisa aponta que para conquistar a legitimidade do grupo, o(a) formador(a) deve estar atento para não cair na armadilha da burocracia, a qual por muitos anos tem feito parte das instituições escolares, promovendo enquadramento e controle; também não deve se aprisionar na arrogância que a posição gestora pode suscitar. Para conquistar a legitimidade do grupo, a capacidade de enfrentamento dos medos e conflitos através do diálogo como prática da liberdade é fundamental e, neste sentido, construir uma identidade formadora da qual faz parte o ouvir atento e o observar apurado dos movimentos do grupo, demanda uma postura ética em que as relações se constroem através do respeito, amorosidade, fé nos homens e criticidade.(AU)
Resumo:
Purpose – Seeks to examine how far Michael Lipsky's theory of discretion as it relates to public sector professionals as “street-level bureaucrats” is still applicable in the light of public sector reform and in particular the introduction of increased managerial control over professionals. Design/methodology/approach – The main thesis in Lipsky's work, Street-Level Bureaucracy, that street-level bureaucrats devise their own rules and procedures to deal with the dilemmas of policy implementation is linked to public sector reform over the past 25 years or so. The article differentiates between three forms of discretion, rule, task and value and assesses the extent to which these different forms of discretion have been compromised by reform. Examples are drawn principally from the literature on school teachers and social workers Findings – The findings suggest that the rule-making (hence bureaucratic) capacity of professionals at street-level is much less influential than before although it is questionable whether or not the greater accountability of professionals to management and clarity of the targets and objectives of organisations delivering public policy has liberated them from the dilemmas of street-level bureaucracy. Research limitations/implications – The work has focussed on the UK and in particular on two professions. However, it may be applied to any country which has undergone public sector reform and in particular where “new public management” processes and procedures have been implemented. There is scope for in-depth studies of a range of occupations, professional and otherwise in the UK and elsewhere. Practical implications – Policy makers and managers should consider how far the positive aspects of facilitating discretion in the workplace by reducing the need for “rule-making” to cope with dilemmas have been outweighed by increased levels of bureaucracy and the “de-skilling” of professionals. Originality/value – Lipsky's much cited and influential work is evaluated in the light of public sector reform some 25 years since it was published. The three forms of discretion identified offer the scope for their systematic application to the workplace.
Resumo:
Since the 1970s breast cancer services have witnessed considerable changes in the management of patients. One significant change was the introduction of specialist core personnel, including the breast care nurse (BCN). The role of the BCN has been gaining credence rapidly in the British NHS and this service is perhaps the paradigm of care for other services. With the lack of specific evidence of the role of specialist nurses in the breast care team, the current study aims to explore this area by in-depth interviews with core team members, and observations of 16 multi-disciplinary teams in England. The study explores the following themes: Nurses' unique informal management leadership role in ensuring the co-ordination, communication and planning of the team work; nurses' innovatory role in making the bureaucracy respond to patients and their relatives needs; nurses supportive role in the provision of expert advice and guidance to other members of the team; nurses confidence and humour in well-performing teams; and the limitations of the professional role of the breast cancer nurse. This study indicates that there is evidence that the BCN is practicing at an advanced level of practice. However, there is a severe lack of evidence-based description of that advanced practice. Cancer nurses including the BCNs should develop and participate in programmes of research in line with cancer legislation in order to build an evidence base that ultimately supports their unique role. © 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
When Parties Matter looks at the extent to which political parties can make a difference to public policy, focusing on the regional level in Germany. Politicians of the left and the right sometimes have radically different views, but inevitably the combined forces of legal and financial constraints, bureaucracy, public expectations and the 'weight of history' restrict their ability to translate political disagreement into policy change. Giving a detailed examination of education policy, childcare and family policy, and labour market policy in three German regions between 1999 and 2006, this book provides insights into what politicians can and cannot achieve, in particular at the level below the nation-state.
Resumo:
The thesis offers a comparative interdisciplinary approach to the examination of the intellectual debates about the relationship between individual and society in the GDR under Honecker. It shows that there was not only a continuum of debate between the academic disciplines, but also from the radical critics of the GDR leadership such as Robert Havemann, Rudolf Bahro and Stefan Heym through the social scientists, literary critics and legal theorists working in the academic institutions to theorists close to the GDR leadership. It also shows that the official line and policy of the ruling party itself on the question of the individual and society was not static over the period, but changed in response to internal and external pressures. Over the period 1971 - 1989 greater emphasis was placed by many intellectuals on the individual, his needs and interests. It was increasingly recognised that conflicts could exist between the individual and society in GDR socialism. Whereas the radical critics argued that these conflicts were due to features of GDR society, such as the hierarchical system of labour functions and bureaucracy, and extrapolated from this a general conflict between the political leadership and population, orthodox critics argued that conflicts existed between a specific individual and society and were largely due to external and historical factors. The internal critics also pointed to the social phenomena which were detrimental to the individual's development in the GDR, but they put forward less radical solutions. With the exception of a few radical young writers, all theorists studied in this thesis gave precedence to social interests over individual interests and so did not advocate a return to `individualistic' positions. The continuity of sometimes quite controversial discussions in the GDR academic journals and the flexibility of the official line and policy suggests that it is inappropriate to refer to GDR society under Honecker simply as totalitarian, although it did have some totalitarian features. What the thesis demonstrates is the existence of `Teiloffentlichkeiten' in which critical discussion is conducted even as the official, orthodox line is given out for public consumption in the high-circulation media.
Resumo:
The founding Treaties of the European Union (EU) provide the Commission with bureaucratic structures and functions, and the authority to take a political leadership role in the integration process. However, the legitimacy of the Commission's authority to act either as a bureaucracy or as a political institution is periodically contested, as is the authority and leadership of its President. Max Weber's theory of the legitimation of authority suggests itself in this context as a working tool for assessing the nature of institutional and individual authority and leadership in the Commission and the broader EU context. Weber's typology of authority offers both an understanding of the changes in the Commission's fortunes within the 'would-be polity' of the European institutions, and an appraisal of claims to authority at the individual level by the Commission President. When applied to two contrasting moments in the Commission's life during the presidency of Jacques Delors (the generating of the White Papers of 1985 and 1993), Weber's typology provides an explanation for the evolution of the legitimation of these forms of authority in terms of, first, the Union's imperfect provisions for legitimate claims to leadership authority on 'charismatic' grounds and, second, the absence in the Union of resources for leadership legitimacy based on 'traditional'-type authority, such as explicit, popular, or party political European-wide support for the project of European union. These are resources which, if present in the EU, would legitimise calls to reform the EU's institutions in the direction of more integration and a more federal polity. The case studies offer an appraisal of the functioning and malfunctioning of authority within the Union, as well as a critical assessment of the applicability of the Weberian model to the legitimation of authority in the EU.
Resumo:
The Report of the Robens Committee (1972), the Health and Safety at Work Act (1974) and the Safety Representatives and Safety Committees Regulations (1977) provide the framework within which this study of certain aspects of health and safety is carried out. The philosophy of self-regulation is considered and its development is set within an historical and an industrial relations perspective. The research uses a case study approach to examine the effectiveness of self-regulation in health and safety in a public sector organisation. Within this approach, methodological triangulation employs the techniques of interviews, questionnaires, observation and documentary analysis. The work is based in four departments of a Scottish Local Authority and particular attention is given to three of the main 'agents' of self-regulation - safety representatives, supervisors and safety committees and their interactions, strategies and effectiveness. A behavioural approach is taken in considering the attitudes, values, motives and interactions of safety representatives and management. Major internal and external factors, which interact and which influence the effectiveness of joint self-regulation of health and safety, are identified. It is emphasised that an organisation cannot be studied without consideration of the context within which it operates both locally and in the wider environment. One of these factors, organisational structure, is described as bureaucratic and the model of a Representative Bureaucracy described by Gouldner (1954) is compared with findings from the present study. An attempt is made to ascertain how closely the Local Authority fits Gouldner's model. This research contributes both to knowledge and to theory in the subject area by providing an in-depth study of self-regulation in a public sector organisation, which when compared with such studies as those of Beaumont (1980, 1981, 1982) highlights some of the differences between the public and private sectors. Both empirical data and hypothetical models are used to provide description and explanation of the operation of the health and safety system in the Local Authority. As data were collected during a dynamic period in economic, political and social terms, the research discusses some of the effects of the current economic recession upon safety organisation.
Resumo:
This study was carried out with new lecturers on a two year Post Graduate Certificate in Learning and Teaching in Higher Education programme in a UK university. The aim was to establish their beliefs about how studying on the programme aligned with their teaching and learning philosophy and what, if anything, had changed or constrained those beliefs. Ten lecturers took part in an in-depth semi-structured interview. Content analysis of the transcripts suggested positive reactions to the programme but lecturers’ new insights were sometimes constrained by departments and university bureaucracy, particularly in the area of assessment. The conflicting roles of research and teaching were also a major issue facing these new professionals.
Resumo:
This piece suggests that the field of ethnic and racial studies is too diverse in theoretical and methodological approach and subject of study to constitute its own discipline. Instead, ethnic and racial studies remains a loosely defined space of interdisciplinary exchange. There is a sense of community among researchers in this field, but teaching continues to be organized to meet the imperatives of different home disciplines. This article argues that in these times of increasing bureaucracy, standardization and managerial intrusion into academic life, there is a positive benefit in retaining a relatively open space of inquiry where we can consider the construction of contemporary social boundaries.
Resumo:
Our research examines a key aspect of the extensive bureaucratic reform program that was applied to the Indonesian public sector following the Asian Economic crisis. The organisation we focus on is the Indonesian Directorate of Tax. The reforms moved the case organisation towards more bureaucratic organisational arrangements. The most notable elements of the reforms related to the organisational efficiency and changes in administrative style and culture. An ethnographic approach was adopted, in which the researcher was immersed in the life of the selected case organisation over an extended period of time. This research extends a thin literature on the topic of management control and culture in the Indonesian context. Also, this paper fills a gap in the theoretic approaches for studying bureaucracy, which is dominated by western conceptualisations. This paper provides a reminder to policy makers (including organisation such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) of the consequences of neglecting cultural influences when conducting bureaucratic reform.
Resumo:
This study explores institutional complexity in Thai State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs). In doing so, a qualitative approach has been employed in this study in order to identify institutional logics in the field of Thai SOEs and to understand organisational and individual perceptions of institutional complexity in the implementation of performance measurement systems (PMS) and how they respond to the complexity. To achieve this goal, two Thai SOEs were studied, both of which faced challenges in the implementation of Economic Value Management (EVM) and Balance Scorecard (BSC) as well as difficulties in linking their individual BSC and incentive systems. The qualitative data were collected from semi-structured interviews and document reviews. The empirical aspects of this study reveal that the institutional logics in the field of Thai SOEs are the logic of bureaucracy, commercial operations, social activities, seniority and unity. Regarding the multiple institutional logics embedded, SOEs experienced the institutional complexity in the implementation of PMS. The results suggest that the organisations have decoupled the EVM and loosely coupled the BSC from organisational practices to cope with institutional complexity and conflict institutional demands. Also, the evidence shows that the institutional logics influence SOEs’ actions towards resisting changes incentive systems and the relationship between individual BSC and incentives.
Resumo:
The scope of the present study is twofold. First, through in-depth interviews, it aims to explore the perception and concepts of non-political leaders (Deputy State Secretaries and Heads of Department) of the Hungarian economic bureaucracy concerning the competitiveness of the Hungarian economy. Second, it compares the obtained results to the perception and concepts salient in the political and business sphere as well as in the methodology of the international competitiveness rankings. The analysis covers issues of competitiveness such as (1) problems of the competitiveness of Hungarian economy, (2) directions of good policy, (3) agents of competitiveness, (4) future of the Hungarian economy, (5) political obstacles of good policy.